
Colonel Thomas Knowlton 



From Trumbull's painting of the 
Battle of Bunker Hill. 



THE 



BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 



September 16, 1776 



WITH A REVIEW OF THE EVENTS OF 
THE CAMPAIGN 



HENRY P. JOHNSTON, A.M. 

PEOFK8SOB OF HISTORY, COLLEGE OF THE CITY OF NEW YOKK 




PUBLISHED FOR THE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 

THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 

LONDON : MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd. 
1897 

All rights reserved 



\ki \kj-\\!^ , 




COPYBIOHT, 1897, 

Bt the macmillan company. 



Norhjooli IPrcBB 

J. S. Gushing & Co. - Berwick & Smith 
Norwood Masi. U.S.A. 






PREFACE 

WHAT we have come to know as the " Battle 
of Harlem Heights " was one of those minor 
successes in our Revolutionary War which counted 
for much in stimulating the drooping spirits of the 
American soldier or in effectually disturbing the 
plans of the enemy. 

That Washington should speak of it as having 
cheered his men " prodigiously " during an other- 
wise depressing campaign would alone excite our 
interest in its details. If it cannot be quite classed 
with such happy strokes as Bennington or Oriskany, 
or with Stony Point or Cowpens or King's Moun- 
tain, it had at least a special place and significance 
of its own. We seem bound to appreciate it as 
highly as the records show it to have been appre- 
ciated by the men of the time. It was a stirring 
open-field affair, coming as a surprise and a check 
upon the enemy's pride, and calling out that recu- 
perative power and manly courage of the as yet 
untrained Continental, which, with added experi- 
ence, will stand him in good stead all through the 
Revolution. Not since Lexington and Concord, 
seventeen months before, had he enjoyed a chase 
of the regulars. At Harlem Heights it was to be on 
a smaller scale and less disastrous to the invader. 



vi PREFACE 

but on the other hand with more form as an action, 
and on more even terms as it progressed for a mile 
up and down hill and over fields and fences and 
through lanes and orchards. Here, also, there were 
to be brave and costly sacrifices. Without the asso- 
ciation of the names of Knowlton and of Leitch the 
battle would lose something of its meaning. 

It is not a little singular that no adequate account 
of this engagement appeared until a comparatively 
recent date ; and only within a few years has its site 
been fixed with any degree of precision. On the 
occurrence of its centennial anniversary, September 
16, 1876, the Historical Society of New York cele- 
brated the event with appropriate ceremonies on 
Morningside Heights, on what was then supposed 
to be the battle-field, to the east of the new grounds 
of Columbia University, thus recognizing the local 
prominence it merited. The late Hon. John Jay 
delivered the address of the day, which was subse- 
quently published with an appendix containing all 
the letters and documents obtainable throwing any 
light upon the battle. Some descriptions of the 
"affair," as an occasional Revolutionary writer 
speaks of it, had previously appeared, to which 
reference will be made in another connection ; but 
the Jay publication supplanted all, as the founda- 
tion or starting point for any further investigation. 
The documents in the case, it should be said, were 
collected by the former and present librarians of the 
Historical Society, Mr. Stevens and Mr. Kelby, to 



PREFACE rii 

whose interest and efforts in restoring the action to 
its proper place in our history we must cordially 
acknowledge our obligations. 

In adding still another version to the literature of 
this battle the present writer has a threefold object. 
First, to bring together all the authorities in conven- 
ient form for local reference, including most of the 
documents in the Jay publication as well as addi- 
tional material since gathered by Mr. Kelby and 
published in the " Magazine of American History," 
and some new papers which the writer himself has 
been able to secure. Second, and more important, 
to call attention to the fact that upon a re-reading 
of all the authorities and a close examination of the 
topography and landmarks of the field as reproduced 
from contemporary surveys, we must fight the battle 
on the loest and not, as heretofore, on the east side 
of Morningside Heights. And third, to introduce 
the new details mto the account and enlarge the 
picture. The more we know of the day's work the 
better we understand why the participants were 
greatly inspirited by it. 

The representation of Knowlton in the frontispiece 
has been reproduced from Trumbull's painting of the 
Battle of Bunker Hill in the Wadsworth Athenceum 
at Hartford, Connecticut. While not authenticated 
as a portrait, it has its interest and charm as the 
painter's ideal of one of the heroes of the rail fence 
in that action, and in turn we may accept it as our 
own ideal of the gallant leader who lost his life at 



viii PREFACE 

Harlem Heights. The maps are facsimiles of origi- 
nal draughts or prints, or compilations prepared with 
care from authentic sources. All are new and are 
presented here for the first time. In the " Plan " of 
the battle-field, the heights, the farm lines, the loca- 
tion of the only three houses on the site, the lanes, 
the orchard, the Hollow Way, the "Fly," and the 
woods, referred to in the early accounts, have been 
located from deeds, surveys, and other official docu- 
ments identifying each point. 

As associated with the local history of this city, we 
may be pardoned for making the most of the battle 
that the facts will permit. It was our one Revolution- 
ary success, — and not a slight one if it came at the 
right moment to restore confidence to our army, if 
it encouraged "Washington when his anxiety was the 
greatest, if it made the enemy a little more wary and 
again delayed his advance, and if, as we follow many 
of the same men engaged, to the banks of the Dela- 
ware, we see it foreshadowing the possibility of 
Trenton and Princeton with which the gloomy year 
closed so brightly. The site of the battle-field, too. 
it is gratifying to know, is well defined, beyond 
all possibility of doubt. We must believe the eye- 
witnesses and participants of 1776 who tell us that 
the action took place on the banks of the Hudson 
River between old Nicholas Jones' house and the 
Hollow Way. Farmers Hoaglandt and Vandewater, 
over whose fields the exciting encounter had its 
run, would confirm them. Those fields have been 



PREFACE ix 

converted to-day into one of the most attractive 
sections of the city. If any lover of American 
history, if any school-boy, if '' Mr. Felix Oldboy," 
wishes to follow our Harlem Battle from point to 
point, let him go to Morningside Heights and walk 
alono; the Boulevard and the Riverside Drive and 
Claremont Avenue, or stand on the grounds of Co- 
lumbia University and Barnard College, or look 
down the eastern slope of the hill on which the 
mausoleum of the great Union Soldier stands, and 
there he will find himself in some sort of touch with 
the men to whose good performance on September 
16, 1776, the pages of this little work are devoted. 

New York City, July 1, 1897. 



CONTENTS 



PAGE 

Preface v 

I 
Opening of the Campaign — Battle of Long Island — 

Retreat to New York 1 

II 
Capture of New York by the British — Kip's Bay Affair 

— Narrow Escape of Silliman's Brigade ... 26 

III 
Position of the Two Armies September 16th — Colonel 

Knowlton and his Rangers 44 

IV 
The Battle of Harlem Heights 56 

V 

Subsequent Events — The Rangers and Fort Washing- 
ton — Trenton and Princeton 92 



Previous Versions of the Battle — Additional Refer- 
ences TO the Site 101 

Authorities — American, British, and Hessian . . 125 



LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAOE 

Colonel Thomas Knowlton. From Trumbull's Painting 

OF Bunker Hill Frontispiece 

Position of the King's Army on Manhattan Island on 

THE Evening of September 15, 1776 (Map) . . opp. 46 

Position of the Two Armies near Harlem from Sep- 
tember 16 to October 12, 1776 (Map) . . . opp. 50 

Site of Jones' House, where the Skirmishing began 
AND the Battle ended 

Plan of the Battle of Harlem Heights . 

Site of Knowlton's Flank Attack 

Field where the Principal Action was Fought 

On the Old Bloomingdale Road .... 

The Stiles' Sketch of the Battle-field . 

Site of " Martje David's Fly " . . . . 



opp. 


60 


opp. 


70 


opp. 


78 


opp. 


88 


opp. 


98 


opp. 


116 


opp. 


122 



OPENING OF THE CAMPAIGN BATTLE OF LONG 

ISLAND RETREAT TO NEW YORK 

THE campaign of 1776 around New York pre- 
sents a more interesting study, and offers 
more ^' nuts for the historian to crack," than any 
other of the War of the Revolution. Some criticism, 
in fact, goes the length of asking, Why any cam- 
paign at all in this vicinity ? 

One unexpected development of it was that the 
personal reputation most seriously damaged proved 
to be that of the victorious British general and not 
of the defeated and all but ruined Washington. 
Howe was to undergo Parliamentary "investigation," 
while Washington came no nearer that experience 
than to be tried in the jealous imaginings of the 
later Conway Cabal. In their accounts of this 
year's events both English and American writers 
dwell upon the missing of a great opportunity on 
Howe's part to crush his opponent outright and end 
the rebellion ; and under the shelter of this judg- 
ment the generalship of the American commander 
escapes review. Neither set of writers shows a 
disposition to push Washington to the wall when 
Howe did not, while the opinions of both, at least 
in part, are perhaps best reflected by Professor Gold- 



2 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

win Smith in his recent study of our history, where 
he says : " The King had no general. Wolfe and 
Clive were gone. Moore was a boy, Wellington a 
child, and India claimed Eyre Coote. Cornwallis 
was energetic and enterprising ; he reaped laurels 
afterwards in India. Had he or Sir Guy Carleton 
commanded in chief there might have been a differ- 
ent tale to tell. Howe, who did command in chief, 
though brave, was torpid ; probably he was not only 
torpid but half-hearted. . . . Had he followed up 
his victory [on Long Island] there probably would 
have been an end of the Continental army, whatever 
local resistance might have survived. But Howe, 
there can be little doubt, was wavering as well as 
lethargic, and instead of pressing his enemy he went 
to luncheon. . . . His subsequent conduct seems to 
have been marked with a sluggishness and irresolu- 
tion which the energy of his lieutenant, Cornwallis, 
could not redeem. Washington was allowed to 
pluck victory and reputation out of the jaws of 
defeat." ' 

Whether this unceremonious handling of the Brit- 
ish commander-in-chief has been altogether just or 
not, depends upon the historian's estimate of Wash- 
ington's management of his own side of the cam- 
paign. In a way it is a question of fact. If Howe 
missed an opportunity, how came Washington to 
offer it to him ? Was the opportunity all that has 

1 " The United States — An Outline of Political History, 1492- 
187L" By Goldwin Smith, D.C.L. pp. 85, 94. 



NEW YORK TO BE HELD 3 

been claimed for it ? One can detect a tendency in 
the modern criticism of our Revolutionary events to 
examine these points more in the scientific than the 
traditional spirit, and make the interest of this cam- 
paign turn as much upon the merits and defects of 
Washington's generalship as upon the shortcomings 
of Howe. Assuming that the leader of the American 
cause, whose personal activity and vigilance were 
never more constant than in this year of disasters, 
committed certain errors in his efforts to defend New 
York, we have a field for discussion here as to their 
pivotal character, the ways m which they might have 
been avoided, and the sufficiency of the enemy's rea- 
sons for failing to take advantage of them. These 
points bear upon the place we are to give the Battle 
of Harlem Heights in the campaign. 

The larger question, whether the attempt to hold 
New York at all against an enemy who, sooner or 
later, could control the waters surrounding it, was 
wise policy, involves so much more than the decision 
of any one man, even the commander-in-chief, that 
criticism affecting him individually needs always to 
be qualified. Barring a few objectors, there was but 
one opinion in the matter at the time. Not to make 
a vigorous effort, be the difficulties great or small, to 
retain the principal commercial port in the colonies, 
whose possession would be of immense advantage to 
the British, never occurred to the Americans. There 
were sound reasons for this. The defence of the soil, 
the protection of a population, and the control of the 



4 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

Hudson at its mouth as long as possible to secure 
interior lines, were necessarily self-imposed. From 
the political or revolutionary standpoint, the interests 
of soil and population constituted the " cause." To 
abandon either to any great extent was to weaken 
it. New York was the centre of a population num- 
bering more than forty thousand souls, if we include 
that of Long Island, Westchester County, and the 
New Jersey environs, which would be controlled by 
the power controlling the city. To surrender this at 
the outset of the struggle as a free gift to the enemy, 
would have been as impolitic in itself as it would 
have been impolitic in its effect upon other seaboard 
populations, which inevitably would have taken the 
alarm. It was of no consequence what the sympa- 
thies of the population might be. If it was wholly 
Tory or Loyalist, it could legitimately be made to 
feel the pressure of the war ; if a certain proportion, 
more or less, was ardently Revolutionary or Whig, 
its defence was a matter of duty and honor. The 
liability of imperilling the whole in protecting a part 
could be considered when the critical moment came. 

The relation of the population of New York to the 
war — its political sympathies at the outbreak, as 
well as its distribution during the contest — is full of 
interest, and remains yet to be carefully studied. 
Whatever elements went to make it up, — call it 
cosmopolitan, if we please, — it is certain that no 
place in the colonies in its combined aspects was 
more distinctively English. In no place, for example, 



POPULATION AND GOVERNMENT 5 

would a typical Londoner have found himself more 
at home ; for while hinting at its provincialism as a 
matter of course, he would have noted its general 
English air, and felt its sympathetic English pulse. 
In its forms of government as the capital of the 
province, and a chartered city, its relationship was 
unmistakable. The governor, in his mansion within 
the fort at the Battery, kept up his suite and state as 
the king's representative governing by " instructions." 
He had his council of twelve, his coach and four, 
and was the centre of a sort of court society. How- 
ever objectionable personally he might prove to be at 
times, he was the sovereign's appointee, and was 
bound to receive much formal respect. Whenever 
the Provincial Assembly was elected in response to 
his " summons " and convened in the city hall m 
Wall Street, the Speaker was chosen and approved 
with all the ceremonies observed in the House of 
Commons. The Assembly addressed the governor, 
and the governor addressed the Assembly, which, 
thereupon, proceeded to business. This was all famil- 
iar and regular, in fact quite ancient and " custom- 
ary." That Assembly, more often than not, would 
continue English precedent by immediately develop- 
ing a stout *•' opposition " faction or majority, as the 
case might be, and then, upon voting a niggardly 
civil budget wherein the governor's salary was con- 
cerned, be promptly adjourned, prorogued, or dissolved. 
The city government, as an example of an anti- 
quated form, was also thoroughly English. It was a 



6 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

Stuart product. The charter granted to us in 1730 
during Governor Montgomerie's term, as a modifica- 
tion of an earlier instrument, was modelled upon the 
close corporation charters which had been imposed 
by Kings Charles and James Second upon so many 
English municipalities. Its leading provisions were 
restrictive. The mayor was not to be elected by the 
citizens, but appointed by the governor, and citizen- 
ship with the right to vote was limited to property 
holders and such others of any class upon whom the 
common council might confer the " freedom of the 
city." The mayor's court, the recorder's desk, and 
the aldermen with their ordinances, licenses, fees, and 
fines, were the same set pieces of local government 
machinery that might have been found, with some 
few exceptions, in any mossy borough of old England. 
As at home, the written ballot was unknown in pub- 
lic elections and men voted in the good old manly 
fashion with " the open voyce." Everything worked 
well enough around our Colonial city hall, and no 
one complained. Inherited English forms were not 
to be changed. Among the exceptions, London was 
somewhat freer, its privileges a trifle more popular; 
but New York never called for charter revision even 
in Stamp Act and " Independence" times, nor indeed 
until many years after the Revolution. 

Socially, the dividing lines were marked as strongly 
as in the mother country. The landed gentry were 
English gentlemen, no matter whether of Dutch or 
Huguenot descent, and they were numerous and 



SOCIAL ASPECTS 7 

influential. One has only to glance at the well- 
known and accurate Ratzer plan of Manhattan 
Island as far north as Fiftieth Street, published in 
1766, to see how all the choice sites were taken 
up by the wealthy and established families. For 
country seats the refreshing water front was sought 
first of all, and the most " elegant " among them — 
so described by English travellers of the time — were 
to be found on the banks and slopes of the North and 
East rivers, which to-day are devoted to factories, 
tenements, and dockyards. Except along the main 
highway — the Bowery and Kingsbridge road — few 
mansions were erected in the centre of the island. 
The rough site of Central Park was then untouched 
and was much of it borne on the surveys as the 
" Common Lands " of the city. Taken as a body 
this New York aristocracy was the richest in America 
and through its commercial and official relations kept 
more in touch with the prevalent notions and fashions 
of the corresponding social grade at home. This was 
true of all, even of the better Dutch element, which 
by lapse of time and intermarriage was practically 
losing its identity. By the time of the Revolution 
the New Yorkers knew themselves only as English- 
men. The nationality of the city was fixed. Every 
change and movement, even of minor importance, 
indicated the drift. Dutch street names began to dis- 
appear and English preference and ascendency were 
shown in such new names as Crown, King, Queen, 
Prince, Princess, Duke, Whitehall, Ann, George, Eliza- 



8 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

beth, Greenwich, William, Exchange, and others. The 
two public gardens of the city, '' Vauxliall " and " Rane- 
lagh," were named after similar resorts in London. 
And, finally, there was the English church, Trinity 
and its parishes, which visibly emphasized the union 
of the mother church and state in the minds of a 
large proportion of the residents. 

That a city so constituted and educated, with so 
much in its traditions, forms, customs, natural incli- 
nations, and prospects to draw it closely to home 
associations, should bodily join in a Revolutionary 
movement upon comparatively short notice, was not 
to be expected. Every thinking man in the colonies 
realized that, however unwelcome New York's atti- 
tude might have been to him. 

It was in just such a city, nevertheless, that we 
would look for a powerful Revolutionary party, in 
the minority at first, but aggressive. It was a party 
which proposed to keep the city at all events from 
pronouncing for the king. During 1775 there was 
no disposition to force matters ; a division of senti- 
ment existed among the Whigs, both in and out of 
Congress, as to the proper handling of this important 
centre. It was to be treated delicately in the hope 
that, among other influences, successes in the field 
elsewhere and a more general "uprising" everywhere 
would improve the situation. These influences told. 
That is, while the Whigs in the city were increas- 
ingly confident and assertive, the military outlook in 
the spring of 1776 was such as to turn many doubters 



WHIGS AND TORIES 9 

to their ranks and authorize them to act with new 
sph'it and vigor. 

How many in that population of twenty-six thou- 
sand were then avowed Whigs can only be estimated. 
Probably more than half. The parties divided along 
well-recognized lines. Two-thirds of the gentry, the 
landed proprietors, were loyalists; also the official 
class, employees and hangers-on of the Provincial and 
city governments. The majority of churchmen, 
Quakers, conservative elements in the Dutch, Mora- 
vian, and other congregations, many importing mer- 
chants, traders, and subordinates depending on these, 
and hundreds in all classes, stood by the old order of 
things. The city's Whig element dated back to 
earlier political issues in the province, when "poli- 
tics" had a social side. Family influence was con- 
cerned. Parties were led by such universally known 
proprietors as the Livingstons and De Lanceys. In 
the Revolution they divided on the new issue and 
became Whigs and Tories in the same sense in which 
those parties were known at home. Old rivalries 
thus added to the bitterness of feeling in New York. 
The Tories called themselves "property" men and 
" friends of the government " ; they berated the 
Whigs with being nothing less nor anything better 
than "the populace" led by demagogues. The 
Whigs, however, were most respectably led. There 
were property men among them also, — the Living- 
stons, Morrises, and others, — whose influence went 
the further as it was thrown on the Colonial side, 



10 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

while the array of representative merchants, gentle- 
men, traders, and solid middle-class men gave char- 
acter to the movement. The lists of local committees 
here from 1774 to 1776 mark the sterling quality of 
the patriotic party. 



Early in 1776 it became necessary to decide what 
should be done with or at New York as a point for 
military operations. The enemy were about to 
evacuate Boston, and that they would next aim for 
this city was evident.^ Congress, the town com- 
mittees, and Washington and his officers, determined 
to forestall them. In response to the sentiment 
alluded to not to yield a foot of soil, a house, or an 
inhabitant without an effort to protect and hold 
them, preparations were made to fortify the place. 
The previous considerate policy gave way to decisive 
measures. " We will keep New York as long as we 
can. The enemy must fight for it," was the key- 
note, the patriotic instinct, of the hour. In spite of 
all the disasters that followed the attempt to defend 
the city, we must still hold with the men of the 
time that that was the instinct to obey. Moreover, 
that was the very moment to encourage and magnify 
every evidence and indication of the steady growth 
of the Revolutionary sentiment. The issue had yet 

^ To Washington, Colonel Joseph Reed, afterwards his adjutant- 
general, wrote from Philadelphia, March 15, 1776 : " If Howe should 
leave Boston, we expect he will make for New York ; and, at all 
events, we look upon that as one of the scenes of the summer business." 



FORTIFYINa THE CITY 11 

to be presented in clear-cut lines. The time was 
approaching when the merely negative-defensive 
would have to be discarded, and some strong and 
magnetic call sounded that would impress the mean- 
ing of the struggle more deeply upon the colonists, 
and draw them closer together. A "Declaration 
of Independence " must be proclaimed. Abandon- 
ment of New York at that juncture, on the ground 
of difficulties and hazards, would, under the circum- 
stances, have been a blunder. 

The work of fortifying New York City can readily 
be followed in what may be called its three succes- 
sive stages. As there was much to do the spade was 
put to almost continuous use during the seven 
months from February to August. Ground was first 
broken under the supervision of General Charles Lee, 
w^hom Washington had sent from Boston in January, 
1776. The latter suspected from certain movements 
of the enemy's fleet that they intended to seize the 
city, which, in his view, would be serving us an 
"almost irremediable " injury. Lee, who was of the 
same opinion, reached New York in February, and 
agreed with the Committee of Safety and a special 
Committee from Congress upon a general defensive 
system. After an inspection of the position he 
reported to Washington, on the 19th, that it could 
not be made absolutely secure. "What to do with 
the city," he wrote, " I own puzzles me. It is so 
encircled with deep navigable waters, that whoever 
commands the sea must command the town." But 



12 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

he proposed to make it worth an effort to capture, 
and assured the committees that while the town 
could not be converted into a "tenable fortification" 
it could at least be made " a most advantageous 
field of battle ; so advantageous, indeed, that if our 
people behave with common spirit, and the com- 
manders are men of discretion, it must cost the 
enemy many thousands of men to get possession of 
it." Lee, it is to be observed, offers no suggestion 
to abandon the place altogether, and he was then 
looked upon as one of the leading military authori- 
ties in the American camp. It was not until Sep- 
tember following, after defeats and retreats, that he 
said that he would have ^' nothing to do with the 
islands." 

Lee's defensive plan was this : Secure the East 
River from the Battery to Hell Gate with a series of 
forts thrown up on both banks, and thus limit the 
enemy's sea control to the harbor and North River. 
Confine them to a water attack from the south and 
west and fortify those fronts as strongly as possible. 
Then, north of the city, on the general line of Grand 
Street, construct works to check the enemy in case 
they landed above on the North River shore ; and in 
addition fortify many points on the island to harass 
landing parties and cover retreat. Upon this plan 
the East River required careful attention, and the 
more so because the key to the entire situation lay 
on that side. That portion of Brooklyn which we 
know as " Columbia Heights " commanded New 



PLANS OF DEFENCE 13 

York City and must be held at all hazards. Batter- 
ies planted there by the enemy would make the 
town immediately untenable. An entrenched camp 
was accordingly marked out between the present 
Montague and Clark streets, protected by " a chain 
of redoubts mutually supporting each other," and 
commanding both the river and the land front facing 
east. " This is, I think, a capital object," wrote 
Lee ; and he added, to one's surprise, that " should 
the enemy take possession of New York, when Long 
Island is in our hands, they will find it almost im- 
possible to subsist." What was to become of the 
Americans on Long Island with the British surround- 
ing it with their ships and their army on Manhattan, 
Lee does not explain. Nevertheless, Lee's plan could 
not be bettered and the work went on. This was 
the first stage. 

The second stage was developed some weeks later 
when Washington, upon the evacuation of Boston by 
the British, marched nearly all his army to the new 
base at New York. The defensive system was 
extended. It was now proposed to make the East 
River still more secure, and, furthermore, to attempt 
to close the passage of the North River to the 
enemy, which Lee had correctly judged could not be 
done. Governor's Island was brought into the line, 
as well as Red Hook at the southern end of the 
Brooklyn peninsula. General Putnam, who had 
arrived ten days before the commander-in-chief, 
noticing the position of those points, wrote to Con- 



14 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

gress, April 7th : " After getting the works in such 
forwardness as will be prudent to leave, I propose 
immediately to take possession of Governor's Island, 
which I think a very important post. Should the 
enemy arrive here and get post there, it will not be 
possible to save the city, nor could we dislodge them 
without great loss." Without waiting for instruc- 
tions he embarked a thousand men on the next even- 
ing at " candle lighting," and crossing from the 
Battery to the island threw up breastworks during 
the night, from which he menaced the enemy's ships 
then in the harbor. Stronger works were subse- 
quently completed, and the post well garrisoned. 
Lying at the mouth of the East River, its guns, with 
those at the Battery, Brooklyn Heights, and other 
points, together with obstructions in the channel, 
were expected to close that approach to the ships. 
Upon Washington's arrival the encampment on 
Brooklyn Heights was also changed and enlarged, 
which, in the light of subsequent events, proved to 
be a serious matter. If Lee's lines had been retained, 
in all probability there would have been no Battle of 
Long Island. But Washington's engineers evidently 
regarded them as too contracted, and a new position 
was marked out one mile back of the Heights, between 
Wallabout Bay and Gowanus Creek, where five 
redoubts with connecting lines were afterwards 
erected, and where General Greene was placed in 
command. Whether this — the most important step 
taken in defending New York — was a wise altera- 



ARRIVAL OF THE BRITISH 15 

tion in Lee's plan, will be presently noticed. For a 
third stage in the progress of the works, we have the 
construction during the summer of the defences at 
the upper part of the island, intended to cover a 
retreat by way of Kingsbridge and command the 
Hudson. The largest of these were Fort Washing- 
ton, south of the bridge, and Fort Independence on 
the mainland to the east. 



Tm'ning, now, to the enemy, we recall that what 
had happened around Boston and elsewhere in 1775 
— Lexington, Concord, Bunker Hill, Quebec — was 
hardly more than the casus belli of the situation, the 
incidents precipitating the war, but not war in dead 
earnest. Those events, always to be famous m our 
history, were still in the eyes of the mother country 
scarcely more than preliminaries convincing her that 
we had accepted the issue, and that she must make 
more extensive preparations. Hence the abandonment 
of Boston, and the occupation of New York as the cen- 
tral base of future operations. America well under- 
stood that the heavy blows were yet to come ; and it 
was at New York that they fell upon her in full force 
for the first time. Toward the end of June, 1776, 
General Howe, with his brother, the admiral, appeared 
off the harbor. Staten Island was fixed upon for their 
grand encampment. As the transports with the 
troops dropped anchor in the Narrows, a stranger on 
shore, reading their names as they swung around with 



16 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

the tide, might have imagmed that some vast peace 
commission had arrived with ohve branches for our 
wayward people. The 17th Regulars came in the 
good ship '' Felicity " ; the 10th in the "Three Sis- 
ters " ; the 5th in the " Amity's Admonition " ; the 
63d in the " Good Intent " ; the 1st Grenadiers in 
the " Friendship " ; and the 64th in the " Father's 
Good "Will." As a matter of fact Howe was author- 
ized to offer terms of reconciliation ; but the offer 
came after July 4th, when reconciliation was out of 
the question. On Staten Island the brigades en- 
camped on the high grounds and near the villages. 
Among the " Authorities " may be found some inter- 
esting letters, now first printed (No. 53), stating how 
the troops were disposed. The fleet's arrival brought 
joy to the hearts of the loyalists, and many prominent 
New Yorkers sought its shelter. Captain Hutcheson, 
in one of the letters mentioned, writes that Governor 
Tryon was entertaining " Mr. Barrow, Mr. Kemp, 
Oliver Delancy, Mr. Apthorp, and Major Bayard. The 
three last gentlemen made their escape in a cannoe 
from Apthorp's house [West Ninety-first Street] to 
the Asia, lying below the Narrows about ten nights 
ago. . . . New York is deserted by all the inhabit- 
ants who are friends to Government." On the other 
hand, Frederick Jay had written to his brother John 
Jay on March 16th : " This day all our militia turned 
out with great spirit. They are throwing up en- 
trenchments at the Hospital, Bayard's Mount, at 
the Furnace, Peck's Slip, Beekman's Slip, Ten Eyck's 



BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND 17 

Wharf, back of the Governor's house and several other 
places. Never did people in the world act with more 
spirit and resolution than the New Yorkers do at 
this present time." The sounds of war were dividing 
and scattering the population. 

Howe opened the campaign with a flank move- 
ment. He determined to attack our left, thrown out 
on Long Island. A combined land and naval assault 
upon our front and right, that is, upon Governor's 
Island, the Battery, and the North River works, 
would doubtless have proved successful, but with 
heavy loss. He could have compelled the evacuation 
of New York by sailing around into the Sound and 
making the move he subsequently directed against 
White Plains, or by way of the Hudson, which was 
open to his ships, but in either case he could not 
have forced Washington to battle, and merely stra- 
tegical success was not enough. Long Island offered 
the most tempting field ; there the probabilities were 
that Howe could both outflank and fight. 

Crossing the Narrows to Long Island, August 22d, 
with fifteen thousand troops, the British general occu- 
pied the Dutch villages on the flatlands, and then, 
reenforced with five thousand Hessians, he advanced 
on the morning of the 27th and fought and won the 
first battle of the campaign. It was for us the dis- 
astrous " Battle of Long Island." ^ Briefly explained, 

^ For an account of this engagement and as the basis of much that 
appears in these pages, the writer would refer to the result of his own 
investigations, published some years since by the Long Island His- 
torical Society, Brooklyn, Vol. III. of its " Series." 



18 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

the Americans were not only outflanked but surprised. 
Some blunder had occurred. It was to be repeated at 
Brandy wine in 1777, and again, long after, within 
our own experience, at Chancellorsville, in 1863. 
Beyond the Brooklyn works ran a low wooded range 
of hills, skirting the present Greenwood Cemetery 
and Prospect Park. Washington hoped to be able 
to prevent the enemy from breaking through this 
natural barrier, but in any case to inflict serious loss 
upon him while making the attempt. A stout resist- 
ance there might turn Howe from an assault upon 
the works. But while our detachments — in all less 
than five thousand men — were watching the passes 
through the hills at the right and centre, the enemy, 
by a night march, appeared far over on the left, at 
the ''Jamaica Pass," captured our only patrol of 
five mounted officers, and advancing along the road 
and slopes, compelled the sudden retreat of the 
parties whose rear was thus threatened. Meanwhile 
bodies of the enemy pushed through the passes by 
direct attack, and between the fires in front and 
flank the Americans were thrown into confusion 
and badly defeated with the loss of nine hun- 
dred prisoners and about two hundred and fifty 
killed and wounded. The others escaped into the 
lines. Responsibility for the surprise it is difficult 
to fix. Commanding officers at the passes blamed 
each other, and generals in turn explained it off 
their own shoulders. 

It was not the tactical loss of the battle, however. 



CRITICAL MOMENT OF THE DAY 19 

Imt the faultiness of the American position on Long 
Island, that was the alarming, and in the view of 
certain critics, the inexplicable fact of the campaign.^ 
Had not Washington committed himself to over- 
whelming defeat — the capture of all his troops, 
seven thousand men — on the Brooklyn front? 

Between that front and safe retreat lay the East 
River. If the enemy had assaulted and broken 
through our lines during the battle, there could 
have been no escape for the American force. There 
was a moment in the forenoon apparently full of 
danger. While portions of the British army were 
crowding our men through the woods and driving 
them back to their defences, the grenadiers in the 
flanking column headed by Howe approached the 
works and showed such eagerness to storm the prin- 
cipal fort that, as Howe reports, " it required repeated 
orders to prevail upon them to desist." " Had they 
been permitted to go on," he adds, " it is my opin- 
ion they would have carried the redoubt " ; but he 
wished to spare them. At a later date he regarded 
the attempt as reckless. Whether the assault would 

1 Reference is made here to the interesting study of the Battle of 
Long Island and the campaign in general, contributed by ]\lr. Charles 
Francis Adams to the "American Historical Review" for July, 1896. 
The writer presents the extreme view that the attempt to defend 
New York at all was a mistake, and that, as to the Americans, their 
salvation was due much less to good generalship than to " the om- 
nipotence of luck in war." The drift is evidently toward a more 
critical treatment of our Revolutionary period. Their studies may 
not take the historical writers of the future as far as Mr. Adams, but 
they are bound to be more impartial and accurate than some of their 
predecessors without being any the less appreciative of Washington. 



20 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

have succeeded is a question, but the possibility of it 
was perfectly understood by Washington and his gen- 
erals from the outset, and we have to face the criti- 
cism whether they had sufficiently provided against it. 
It is singular that no one seems to have entered a 
protest against the situation on that side. Greene, 
who at a later date urged Washington to abandon 
New York, had been pushing the Brooklyn works. 
" The security of New York greatly dependeth on 
this pass,'' he said to his command on May 5th. 
There was no error, one must say, in originally tak- 
ing up that position, for it was a means of delaying 
the opening of the campaign on the part of the enemy. 
The show of strength and confidence we made in forti- 
fying the East River, in putting it between two divis- 
ions of the army, and in purposing, as our picket 
lines indicated, to hold the hills beyond the Brooklyn 
front, had its influence on Howe's plans. This was 
one pomt gained. It was another matter to risk a 
battle there, and in the light of what happened, the 
modern strategist would most likely have advised 
Washington, when he found that Howe had landed 
in force on Long Island, to withdraw immediately, — 
instead of preparing for action on the 27th, retreat 
on the 26th to New York. This would probably 
have been the true solution. The main purpose 
would have been served, a disaster would have been 
avoided, and Howe would still be at arm's length. 
In predetermining this course, Lee's original en- 
trenched camp on Brooklyn Heights could have 



THE QUESTION OF ASSAULT 21 

been completed and made sufficiently secure to pro- 
tect the batteries commanding the river. Should 
the enemy storm that, our loss of a garrison would 
be small. But, obviously, up to the point of fight- 
ing, the extension of Lee's plan was a proper move. 
Had it not been made Howe might have opened the 
campaign earlier, crossed to Long Island in July, 
pushed on to Hell Gate, and gained some weeks for 
further operations. 

But Washington remained on Long Island after 
the 26th, the battle was fought, and the risk was 
run. Our historians offer the explanation that a 
sudden retreat before the enemy the moment he 
advanced, after the preparations made to resist him, 
would have betrayed our weakness, demoralized the 
army, and discouraged the country. They have held 
that the necessity of the case justified the hazard. 
There was also the question — a question of fact — 
as to the strength of the Long Island defences, and 
the confidence Washington might properly put in his 
ability to hold them. As Howe was afterwards 
called to account for not storming them, and justi- 
fied himself by showing the madness of such an 
attempt, the point cannot well be ignored. His 
engineer defended him with evidence to the effect 
that the rebel line was " a chain of five redoubts, or 
rather fortresses, with ditches, as had also the lines 
that formed the intervals, and the whole surrounded 
with the most formidable abbaties " ; and, again, 
that " they could not be taken by assault, but by 



22 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

approaches." But then the engineer was the gen- 
eral's witness. As Greene's entire brigade had been 
at work upon the lines much of the spring and sum- 
mer, they must have been made defensible. Greene 
himself thought them such, and had his men " exer- 
cised at parapet firing." The commanding ofiicers of 
regiments were desired, in orders of the day, " to 
make a line round each of the forts and fortifications 
for the troops to begin a fire on the enemy if they 
attempt to storm the works, and the troops are to be 
told not to fire sooner than the enemy's arrival at 
these lines." In giving its reasons for retreating 
from Long Island, Washington's council of ofiicers 
states that while the redoubts could be depended on, 
the breastworks were weak, being "abattised with 
brush only " in some places. On the same morning 
Adjutant General Reed had written : " We hope to 
be able to make a good stand as our lines are pretty 
strong." Take the facts as we may, it is difficult to 
conceive that the American commanders on the 
Brooklyn side could have thought of defence behind 
an obviously weak position. The lines were superior 
to those on Bunker Hill, albeit on lower ground, and 
Howe had not forgotten that day.^ 

^ There can be no doubt of the large sacrifice of life the enemy 
would have suffered had they assaulted on the 27th. The redoubts 
were manned by Greene's own regiments, wiiich were among the best 
in the field, and they had been prepared for just this emergency. If 
some of the intervening lines appeared weak, as to General J. M. 
Scott, for example, they were covered by the fire from the forts. The 
largest of the latter was commanded by Colonel Little, who had been 
at Bunker Hill. 



RETREAT TO NEW YORK 23 

The situation on Long Island involved the calcu- 
lation of chances. Under the extreme pressure of 
his surroundings the American chieftain accepted 
the chances, and escaped the net. At Princeton we 
shall again find him in a hazardous position, but 
extricating himself with success and glory. 

On the night of the 29th occurred the famous 
retreat from Long Island. Clearly "Washington could 
not maintain himself on that side, and upon observing 
that the British intended to approach his lines by 
parallels, he took the opportunity to withdraw. A 
council of war met at Philip Livingston's house, 
which stood on Brooklyn Heights a little south of 
Wall Street Ferry, and formally accepted the decision 
of the General who had already made preparations to 
cross to New York. 

The retreat was well-timed and happily effected. 
Bancroft, the historian, states that the troops were 

The possibility of the enemy's ships sailing into the East River 
and cutting off Washington's retreat is another point. Although this 
was given as one of the reasons justifying retreat, our blockade of the 
river against the ships seems to have been regarded during the summer 
as effective. Ships had passed om- batteries on the North River, but 
on the Jersey side there were few guns. Besides, it was one thing to 
run by batteries, and another to anchor under them. This the enemy 
did not attempt, and it is doubtful whether they could have cut off 
the retreat under our guns on both banks. No ships sailed up the 
East River until a week or more after the battle, when they could 
pass near the Brooklyn shore, which the enemy then occupied. The 
Long Island war council gave every possible reason for authorizing 
the retreat that occurred to it, as the army and Congress would 
hold it responsible for the measure ; but such contingencies in the 
case, as the defensibility of the lines and the passage of the river, 
had existed from the first. 



24 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

prepared for the movement under the pretence that 
a night attack upon the enemy was to be attempted. 
Washington's order on the occasion, since recovered, 
shows that they were marched to the boats at the 
ferry on the assurance that fresli troops were to 
reUeve them from New York. In either case the 
quick-witted soldier could have fathomed the design. 
By sunrise of the 30th, the entire force, which had 
been increased to nme thousand since the battle, had 
safely recrossed the river. Two British officers at 
Howe's headquarters, to whose valuable journals we 
shall have occasion to refer again, note the American 
retreat. One, the deputy adjutant-general, Stephen 
Kemble, makes the entry: "Friday, August 30th. 
In the morning, to our great astonishment, found 
[the rebels] had evacuated all their works on Brook- 
land and Red Hook, without a shot being fired at 
them." The other. Captain John Montresor, engi- 
neer and aide to Howe, writes: "I gave the first 
information of the enemy's abandoning the works 
near Brooklyn ; and was the first man in them, with 
one corporal, and six men, in the front of the pic- 
quets." Elsewhere he adds, bearing on the question 
of assault : " I had the greatest difficulty to get 
through the abatties where no one was to oppose 
me." Captain Alexander Graydon of Shee's Penn- 
sylvania regiment, present on this retreat, recalls in 
his own published recollections an historical parallel : 
<'The memoirs of the Duke of Sully," he writes, 
" relate an operation very similar to it, and to which 



RETREAT TO NEW YORK 25 

much applause is given. This was achieved by the 
prince of Parma, whose army, lying between Rouen 
and Candebec, was in the night transported across 
the Seine, and thus preserved from the destruction 
that impended from the forces of Henry the Fourth, 
ready to fall upon it in the morning. * Could it 
appear otherwise,' observes the writer, ' than a fable 
or an illusion ? Scarce could the king and his army 
trust the evidence of their own eyes.' " 



II 



CAPTURE OF NEW YORK BY THE BRITISH — KIP S 

BAY AFFAIR NARROW ESCAPE OF SILLIMAN's 

BRIGADE 

r I IHE retreat to New York relieved the great strain to 
-L which the American troops had been subjected. 
Washington represented their exhaustion in his own 
case when he explained to Congress that his delay of 
a day in reporting the move was due to the " extreme 
fatigue " which rendered him " entirely unfit to take 
pen in hand " or even dictate a letter. During the last 
forty-eight hours on Long Island, he writes, " I had 
hardly been off my horse, and never closed my eyes." 
The demoralization in the ranks was a more serious 
matter, but that was to lessen as days passed and the 
enemy failed to push their advantage. 

It was nearly three weeks before the next advance. 
If both generals are chargeable with blunders on 
Long Island it will be interesting to note how far 
they profit by or repeat them during the progress of 
the campaign. Will Howe find Washington within 
striking distance of him again and in such case will 
he give his grenadiers full rein ? One thing excites 
our admiration in this disastrous year, and that is 
Washington's faithful clinging to the soil. At every 

20 



THE NEW SITUATION 27 

turn he looked the enemy squarely in the face — at 
gunshot distance. He does not fly at once to the 
mountains as Jay would have had him do. Howe 
will never reach the Highlands. In the general per- 
spective one sees the staying quality of the defeated 
Americans. The hopefulness under despair, the tena- 
cious disposition even in retreat, bravery here succeed- 
ing cowardice there — all bespoke the promise of the 
future. The troops fell back only under pressure, 
sometimes on the run, but not far. All the way 
through from the Narrows to the Delaware, their rear 
guard will be found skhmishing with the British 
van. 

Although New York was virtually lost with the 
Battle of Long Island, Washington occupied it to 
the last moment. Not that any great risks were to 
be run in its retention, but that it was not to be given, 
as Lee suggested, " in fee-simple " to the enemy. In- 
deed he wrote to Congress on September 2d, " Till 
of late I had no doubt in my own mind of defending 
this place, nor should I have yet, if the men would do 
their duty." But this extreme confidence in his plans, 
w^iich is difficult of explanation, — for New York was 
now obviously untenable even with the best of troops, 
the moment the enemy moved upon it with a com- 
bined armament, — yielded to the plain facts of the 
situation. He began removing his stores to Kings- 
bridge and beyond, and asked Congress whether he 
should leave the city in ashes. Greene and Jay would 
have burned it, but Congress said " No," as they had 



28 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

no doubt of being able to recover it later. This was 
far the wiser policy, for retaliation would have left 
us at the mercy of the enemy, who had nothing to lose 
in the destruction of cities. As it was, not one was 
burned by design during the war, and, except in minor 
instances, we were spared the spectacle of useless con- 
flagrations and the added bitterness of. feeling that 
would have followed. As late as the 7tli of Septem- 
ber the enemy showed no signs of attacking, and 
Washington summoned a council of his officers to de- 
cide upon the question of evacuation and the proper 
disposition of the army. The council voted to leave 
five thousand men in the city to preserve appearances 
as long as possible, to station others at different points 
on the East River facing the enemy, and to concen- 
trate the greater part of the force at Harlem and 
Kingsbridge to secure the line of retreat. On the 
12th, a second war council decided, by a large major- 
ity, to abandon the city altogether as soon as the stores 
and munitions could be removed. In accordance with 
this plan General Putnam was continued in the super- 
intendence of stores and the troops in town, while the 
troops on the East River were to hold the landings 
until he could leave. At the foot of Grand Street 
and below were posted the brigades of Parsons and 
Fellows. Back of Stuyvesant's, about the foot of 
Twelfth Street, was Scott's New York brigade ; at 
Twenty-third Street, Wadsworth with Connecticut 
levies ; while another similar brigade under Douglas 
guarded Kip's Bay at the foot of Thirty-fourth Street. 



CAPTAIN NATHAN HALE 29 

Along the Harlem, fronting Ward's and Randall's 
islands, older and better troops were stationed. 

Here was a temporary, attenuated line facing the 
enemy on the opposite shore, which could have been 
pierced at any point, and was weakest at the centre 
or Thirty-fourth Street. Some risks were run in 
keeping up this disposition, but then it added several 
days' delay to the enemy's record. Washington, as 
he writes, begrudged them " possession." His 
watchfulness under the circumstances was increased, 
and he made more than one effort to obtain secret 
word of their designs. To Heath at Kingsbridge he 
wrote as early as the 1st " to concert some measures 
with General Clinton for establishing a channel of 
information." He thought there might be friends 
near the enemy's camp who could obtain and send 
" frequent accounts " of what they were doing. 
*' Leave no stone unturned," he again urged upon 
Heath, " nor do not stick at expense to bring this to 
pass, as I was never more uneasy than on account of 
my want of knowledge on this score." 

It was in this connection that Nathan Hale felt 
himself called upon to undertake his fatal errand 
into the British lines. As a captain in the newly 
organized corps of " Knowl ton's Rangers," he was 
informed of Washington's great anxiety to fathom 
Howe's intentions. Upon deep reflection he offered his 
services. "I am fully sensible," he said to a brother 
officer, " of the consequences of discovery and capt- 
ure in such a situation. But for a year I have been 



30 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

attached to the army, and have not rendered any 
material service, while receiving a compensation for 
which I make no return. Yet I am not influenced 
by the expectation of promotion or pecuniary reward. 
I wish to be useful, and every kind of service, neces- 
sary to the public good, becomes honorable by being 
necessary." Washington permitted him to go, and 
gave him instructions in the case, the interview 
being held probably at the chief's headquarters, then 
at the Mortier mansion on Richmond Hill, on the 
west side above Canal Street. Hale started in the 
" second week " of September, went to Stamford on 
the Connecticut shore, disguised himself as a school- 
master, crossed to Huntington, Long Island, and 
made his way to New York. The journey, requir- 
ing great circumspection, took time, and he seems 
not to have reached the camp of the British until 
after they had captured New York, when his infor- 
mation would not have availed. But that he re- 
mained on his mission and had determined not to 
return without some valuable intelligence for Wash- 
ington is presumable from tlie fact that he was not 
detected until the 21st, and was found with draughts 
of the enemy's w^orks about him. Taken to Howe's 
headquarters at the Beekman mansion on East Fifty- 
first Street, he frankly avowed his errand and was 
condemned to death as a spy. His execution took 
place on the following morning at the artillery 
camp, about half a mile above, near the main road, 
or in the vicinity of Third Avenue and Sixty-fifth 



HOWE'S ENFORCED DELAY 31 

Street.^ His statue on lower Broadway impressively 
commemorates the spirit of the brave youth who could 
say in his last moments, in the very midst of his vic- 
torious enemies, that he only regretted that he had 
but one life to lose for his country. 



Meanwhile Howe, although master of the situa- 
tion, failed to improve his opportunity upon a large 
plan. On August 31st, he marched his army from 
the battle-field of the 27th to Newtown and its vi- 
cinity, nearer Hell Gate and the Sound. He was 
then in position to make the same move that he 
made on October 12th, when he embarked for Throg's 
Neck and pushed on to White Plains. Had this 
been done, Washington would have been compelled 
to abandon New York and the entire island immedi- 
ately and in more or less confusion. His army would 
have been less effective than in October, and Howe 
would have gained time and the credit of a fine 
manoeuvre. But this was an operation to be planned 
when his army opened the campaign from Staten 
Island, and required the simultaneous despatch of 
ships and many flatboats around Long Island into 
the Sound to transfer the troops to the Westchester 
side. No such provision was made. On the con- 
trary Howe appears to have anticipated that his 

* This fact has been established ]iy Mr. Kelby, librarian of the 
Historical Society. See Mr. Stevens' article on Hale in the New 
York Herald, Nov. 26, 1893 ; also the site as marked on map, pp. 50-51. 



32 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

operations on Long Island would enforce the speedy 
withdrawal of the Americans from New York, ren- 
dering the flank movement unnecessary. From New 
York he would follow them. But as Washington 
perversely clung to the city, which Howe did not 
wish to destroy by bombardment, the latter could 
not move upon him at once. He lacked sufficient 
water transportation. With all his naval resources 
Howe was not prepared to cross the East River for 
more than two weeks. The entries in Kerable's 
journal for these interesting days are significantly 
brief. " Sept. 1st and 2d, Nothing extraordinary." 
" 7th, Nothing material." " 10th, All quiet." " 12th, 
Nothing particular." " 14th, Very quiet." Howe 
was making demonstrations to cross at Harlem by 
way of Ward's and Randall's islands, and was doubt- 
less puzzled that Washington should still keep his 
batteries manned in the city. He expected to manoeu- 
vre him out of it. The navy, however, presently 
came to his assistance, and by the evening of the 
14th, at different intervals, five frigates, six trans- 
ports, and one hundred barges had run the fire of 
our guns in town and anchored in the East River 
above Twenty-third Street. On the next day, the 
15th, Howe crossed. It was nineteen days since the 
Battle of Long Island — not very rapid campaigning. 
We must give Washington the credit of enforcing 
much of this delay. 

The incidents of Sunday, the 15th, when the 
British captured New York, have a bearing upon the 



ENEMY LAND AT KIP'S BAY 33 

action of Harlem Heights on the following day. 
The American soldier was inspirited by the contrast 
presented. It would seem that Howe originally pro- 
posed to break through our line at Harlem in the 
hope of entrapping many of our troops below, but 
the American battery at Horn's Hook, East Eighty- 
ninth Street, remained unsilenced, and he landed 
further down. The enemy's firing from Hallet's 
Point opposite the Hook had failed to drive off our 
gunners. Kemble records on the 9th that '' our 
proposed attack of Hell Gate redoubt, and landing 
there thought very hazardous by many. The strength 
of the tides must unavoidably make our landings 
very difficult, as well as dangerous, from the length 
of the time it will take between them." Montresor 
claims that it was he who advised the landing where 
it was finally made at Kip's Bay, while Admiral 
Howe informs us that a feint was to have been 
attempted at the same time at Harlem, but the pilots 
declined to take men-of-war into the Hell Gate 
waters. 

At Kip's Bay, foot of Thirty-fourth Street, accord- 
ingly, the attack was made. Douglas' ill-sorted 
brig;ade was there behind low breastworks, little 
dreaming what was impending. Douglas himself 
was a good soldier and had lately written to his 
wife that the American position on the Island was 
untenable, but that he must not be " too free " with 
his opinions. "Our generals," he said, "are faith- 
ful and good, no one can doubt, but we have not 



34 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

got experience which will teach America wisdom in 
her wars, as it did Peter the Great." There was 
plenty of experience in store. At daybreak the 
five frigates took position at Kip's Bay close to the 
shore, and at about eleven o'clock opened a furious 
and sweeping fire upon Douglas' militiamen. At the 
same time Sir Henry Clinton's division of Light troops 
and Reserves was rowed across the river from New- 
town Creek in eighty-four boats, and under cover of 
the cannonade landed at the Bay. 

A British officer. Captain William Evelyn, im- 
pressed with the sight, wrote to his mother that 
" the amazing fire from the shipping, the confusion 
and the dismay of the rebels, the Light Infantry 
clambering up the steep and just accessible rocks, 
the water covered with boats full of armed men 
pressing eagerly toward the shore, was certainly one 
of the grandest and most sublime scenes ever exhib- 
ited." ^ Douglas' men fled, unable to resist such an 
attack. Wadsworth's brigade below also fell back. 
All retreated toward the main Kingsbridge road, 
which there ran along the lines of Fourth and Lex- 
ington avenues, and by which they could reach 
Harlem and the heights beyond in safety. The 
enemy followed rapidly, the various corps seeming 
to vie with each other in fulfilling the expectations 
of their chief, who two days before had praised them 

1 Document, No. 51, among the "Authorities." Also, as to further 
particulars of the " Kip's Bay Affair," see Vol. HI., L.I. Historical 
Soc. Series, p. 232. 



THE KIFS BAY AFFAIR 35 

for their skilful application of the bayonet and their 
fearlessness in American woods. ^ The Light Infantry 
under General Leslie struck olf to the right and occu- 
pied the road near Forty-second Street. The Grena- 
diers under Cornwallis and Vaughn moved straight 
across, up Thirty-fourth Street, we may say, to 
Murray Hill, while the Hessian Light troops under 
Donop turned to the left and succeeded in intercept- 
ing three or four hundred of Wadsworth's brigade 
somewhere on the line of Twenty-third Street, east 
of Fourth Avenue. This was the principal loss sus- 
tained by the Americans during the day. Parsons' 
and Scott's brigades below could see the crossing 
of the enemy, and, leaving their positions in time, 
marched up the Bowery into the Bloom ingdale 
road, just escaping the Hessians at about Madison 
Square. Silliman's brigade with some of Knox's 
artillery companies was still in the city, but, thanks 
to the enemy's oversight, presently escaped. 

While all this was going on — the brilliant land- 
ing of the British, the more or less orderly but 
hurried retreat of some of our troops, the confused 

^Howe's Orders, dated Newtown, L.I., Sept. 13th: "An attack 
upon the enemy being shortly intended, the soldiers are reminded of 
their evident superiority on the 27th of August by charging the Rebels 
with Bayonets even in the woods where they had thought themselves 
invincible : they now place their security in slight breastworks of the 
weakest Construction, and which are to be carried with little loss by 
the same high spirited mode of attack. The Gen'l therefore recom- 
mends to the troops an entire dependence on their Bayonets with 
which they will always command that success which their bravery so 
well deserves." 



36 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

flight of others, the quick advance of Clinton's Light 
Division from the river towards Murray Hill — in 
other words, while we were suffering a panic and the 
enemy enjoying a chase, the two most anxious and 
interested men in our army, Washington and Put- 
nam, were riding at full gallop from opposite direc- 
tions to the scene of action. Washington, on the 
evening before, had moved his headquarters from 
Richmond Hill to the Morris (Jumel) mansion, still 
standing, at about One Hundred and Sixty-first 
Street, east of St. Nicholas Avenue, and had expected 
to withdraw all his troops to that vicinity on the 
very day of the enemy's attack. Putnam remained 
at his city quarters, No. 1 Broadway, to superintend, 
as we have seen, the final evacuation of the town. 
On the early morning of the 15th the two generals 
were more than ten miles apart. As soon as the 
cannonade of the men-of-war at Kip's Bay was 
heard, both hastened to the vicinity — Washington, 
of course, as commander-in-chief, and Putnam be- 
cause his troops below would be in extreme danger 
if the enemy landed above. They met, with other 
general officers, somewhere on Murray Hill, prob- 
ably in a cross road on the line of Forty-second 
Street then connecting the Bloomingdale road (now 
Broadway) with the Kingsbridge road at Lexington 
Avenue. The hour of day was about twelve o'clock. 
Washington reached the spot only to find, to his 
great surprise and mortification, that our troops were 
flying before the enemy, and that others, ordered to 



PANIC OF THE MILITIAMEN 37 

support them, were in confusion. With the officers 
around him he quickly rode in among the fugitives 
and did his best to face them about. We have it 
on official record that he shouted out to the men, 
"Take to the wall! Take to the cornfield!" but 
nothing could stop them. The chief's indignation 
was unbounded, and lashing some of the runaways 
over the shoulders with his cane, he demanded with 
intense feeling whether these were the men with 
whom he was to defend America! The scene of 
this incident can be located with considerable pre- 
cision near Park Avenue and Fortieth Street. With 
" Bull Rmi " following nearly a century later, we 
may interpose a word for these fugitives of Seventy- 
Six, for whom our historians generally have no 
mercy, and recall that most of them were poorly 
armed militia, who had been away from home but 
a few weeks, that it was not a momentary sense of 
fear that had created the panic, but a sustained 
sense of danger aroused by all that they had seen 
and experienced for some hours, — the terrible fire 
of the ships, which veterans could not have with- 
stood, and the crossing of a formidable flotilla, — 
while the knowledge that the best part of the army 
was safe above them at Harlem was not likely to 
lessen the haste of their retreat. The rolls of the 
Continental army show that many of these Kip's 
Bay cowards, officers and men alike, remained in the 
service to the end and cancelled their record for this 
day by gallant conduct on other fields. 



38 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

Most of our troops had retreated to and along the 
Bloomingdale road further west, and on to Harlem 
Heights, but they were not pursued. The day was 
one of intense heat, and as Clinton had no cavalry 
he could not expect to overtake the Americans. At 
Murray Hill, along the line of Park Avenue, he 
halted until the remainder of the army, or six more 
brigades, could cross. This took time, and it was 
not until four or five o'clock in the afternoon that he 
was ready to move again. 

Meanwhile, what about Silliman's brigade, and the 
artillery down in the city? The former were posted 
at the works on the line of Grand Street, west of the 
Bowery. Finding that the British had landed above, 
Putnam attempted a bold manoeuvre. Dashing back 
from Murray Hill down the road, and slipping by 
the Hessians, he proposed to extricate Silliman by 
getting past the enemy through the lanes and woods 
on the west side. Putnam's aid, Major Aaron Burr, 
seems to have bravely taken the responsibility of 
starting Silliman along, and the general, joining 
them at some point, the brigade, after a hard 
march and narrow escape, reached Harlem Heights 
late in the evening, when it had been given up as 
lost. Most of the artillerymen also escaped, but 
without their guns. The experiences of Captains 
Samuel Shaw and Sebastian Bauman of this corps 
are given by themselves in letters Nos. 12 and 38 
among the "Authorities." Silliman himself tells us 
it was a most trying march, and David Humphreys, 



LUNCH AT MRS. MURRAY'S 39 

one of his adjutants, writes about Putnam's efforts 
to get them through. " I had frequent opportunities 
that day," he says, " of beholding him, for the pur- 
pose of issuing orders, and encouraging the troops, 
flying on his horse, covered with foam, wherever his 
presence was most necessary. Without his extraor- 
dinary exertions, the guards must have been inevita- 
bly lost, and it is probable the entire corps would 
have been cut in pieces." 

Why the enemy failed to head off and capture 
Putnam and Silliman has been usually explained by 
the familiar incident of Mrs. Murray's hosjDitality. 
Robert Murray, father of Lindley Murray, the gram- 
marian, was a well-to-do Quaker merchant whose 
country seat stood at about the corner of Park 
Avenue and Thirty-sixth Street. His farm included 
all the high ground in the vicinity, and was known 
as " Inclenberg." Being a loyalist, it is assumed that 
his wife was one. The British generals, including 
Howe, who had come over with or soon after the 
advance, are represented as having adjourned to the 
Murray mansion for lunch. General Vaughn had 
been slightly wounded in advancing up the slope, 
and was probably cared for in this house. Mrs. 
Murray, we are told, entertained these officers so 
agreeably on the occasion that they neglected to run 
a cordon of guards or detachments across the Island 
to intercept any late retreating rebels. Another 
version makes Mrs. Murray an ardent American 
sympathizer, who, knowing that time was the one 



40 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

thing our distressed troops needed that day, ex- 
hausted the resources of her wit and larder to detain 
the generals long enough to save Silliman. The 
incident probably occurred, but it fails as an explana- 
tion. Howe is simply chargeable with over-confidence, 
irrespective of lunch. He knew nothing about Silli- 
man, and it is difficult to see how Mrs. Murray, 
whether a friend or foe, could have known. Upon 
landing at Thirty-fourth Street Donop and his 
Hessians had been sent to the main road south of 
Murray Hill, and would naturally occupy the point 
of its junction with the Bloomingdale road at the 
present corner of Twenty-third Street and Fifth 
Avenue. It was evidently believed that all the 
rebels had made good their retreat, or that any large 
body must attempt to pass at that point. Silliman, 
however, pushed along a mile to the west, near Ninth 
and Tenth Avenues. That the British officers were 
outwitted by a genial hostess is less likely than that 
they had confidently assumed that the first effect 
of their early morning movements would be to 
clear the city immediately of every American. The 
praiseworthy feature of the affair is the resolution of 
our belated troops to push through and rejoin the 
main army when they felt that the chances of suc- 
cess were heavily agamst them. 

Later in the afternoon Clinton's corps advanced 
up the Kingsbridge road to encamp for the night. 
Howe's critics can here find a pretty commentary on 
his generalship in the fact that while his lordly troops 



ESCAPE OF SILLIMAN'S BRIGADE 41 

were marching along the east side of what is now 
Central Park, Putnam's and Silliman's sweltering 
militiamen were toiling up on a parallel line west of 
the park, and somewhat below him, without his know- 
ing it. As Clinton's column n eared the comer of what 
are now Ninety-sixth Street and Fifth Avenue, where 
the Kingsbridge road entered the park and went on 
through McGowan's Pass, it found drawn up before it 
Colonel Smallwood's regiment of Marylanders, which 
had been posted there for observation and to cover 
the retreat of our artillerymen from the Horn's Hook 
battery. Smallwood reports that the enemy manoeu- 
vred with the view of outflanking him, when he retired 
and joined our main army on Harlem Heights at dusk. 
From Ninety-sixth Street there ran across the park 
a road, called the " New Bloomingdale cross road," 
which came out on the west side at about Ninety- 
first Street and continued to the Bloomingdale road. 
Instead of keeping on to McGowan's Pass, Clinton's 
corps turned into this cross road and reached the 
Bloomingdale end just as Silliman's troops were pass- 
ing north. Had the British been a few minutes 
earlier Silliman would have been intercepted. He 
was obliged, indeed, to keep the enemy's advance 
at bay with some of his men while the others 
continued to retreat. Almost the only man to 
fall in this brief skirmishinoc was the commanding: 
officer of the last regiment in the line of march — 
Lieutenant-Colonel Jabez Thompson, of the second 
Connecticut militia. Silliman retired to the Ameri- 



42 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

can camp, while the enemy, darkness now setting in, 
bivouacked for the night where they were. 

Late in the afternoon a detachment from the 
enemy's fleet had taken possession of the city, and 
thus New York and the island south of Harlem 
passed into British hands. The first object of their 
campaign had been secured ; but it was September 
15th, or two months and a half since they had 
arrived with their powerful armament. 

As to criticisms suggested by these movements, 
following the Battle of Long Island, we may hold 
Howe responsible for delay when he was in per- 
fect control of the situation. With a cooperating 
fleet he permitted the East River to stand as a 

j barrier between himself and the " rebels " for nine- 

I 

I teen days. After crossing he missed the easy 

capture of an entire brigade and some general 
officers. On the other hand Washington, it has been 
observed, delayed one day too long in evacuating the 
city and island below Harlem. Had he withdrawn 
on the 14th there would have been no Kip's Bay dis- 
grace. We can justify him in remaining in the city 
as long as the enemy took no boats or ships into the 
East River. It was known that they had accumu- 
lated many of the former by the 12th, when a speedy 
withdrawal would have been advisable. When four 
men-of-war passed up on the evening of the 14th it 
would seem that there was not an hour to lose. But 
it was much to have kept the enemy at bay in spite 
of a panic and loss of a few militiamen. The main 



GROUNDS OF CONFIDENCE 43 

body of our troops had not been in peril since the Long 
Island defeat. Discouraged as he was with the con- 
duct of the men on the 15th, and obliged to report 
another retreat, with loss of stores and prisoners, 
Washington could still look across the lines that 
evening and reflect that thus far he had been taken 
at a disadvantage ; that opportunities would yet offer 
to face the enemy on more equal terms ; that the 
British navy would be a less important factor in the 
movements to follow, and that with a better organ- 
ized and appointed army, such as Congress was soon 
to provide for, he could present a different record in 
the field. Certainly the errors and experiences of 
this summer's campaign at New York were not to be 
repeated during the war. 



m 



POSITION OF THE TWO ARMIES, SEPTEMBER 16TH 

COLONEL KNOWLTON AND HIS RANGERS. 

WITH the foregoing review of the earlier 
events of this campaign we reach the 16th of 
September, when the Battle of Harlem Heights 
occurred. A brief chapter on the position of the 
two armies on the morning of the action will assist 
us in following the details. 

It is important, first, to ascertain where the British 
were encamped on the evening of the 15th. We left 
them at dusk along the Bloomingdale cross road — 
in what is now Central Park, on the line of Ninety- 
first to Ninety-sixth Street. Sir William Howe 
reports that, "the position the king's army took, 
on the 15th in the evening, was with the right to 
Horen's Hook, and the left at the North River near 
to Bloomingdale." It is this left which we must fix 
accurately. "Near to Bloomingdale" might be too 
indefinite for our purposes, did not other references 
fully explain Howe's meaning. On the maps of the 
period " Bloomingdale " is marked by name at a point 
near the house of Charles Apthorpe, which stood, 
until pulled down in 1891, just below the cross road 
or south of Ninety-first Street a little west of Ninth 

44 



THE BRITISH ENCAMPMENT 45 

Avenue. That section was known generally as 
Bloomingdale, but the Apthorpe mansion, the 
Striker place, just above on the Hudson, and the 
cross road gave it some centrality. Adjutant-Gen- 
eral Kemble is more definite. He says : " The 
advance of our army marched to the Black Horse, 
and across from thence by Apthorpe's House to North 
River and had very near cut off Mr. Putnam's retreat, 
who brought off the Rebel rear guard from New 
York, most of whom and their troops in general got 
off by the North River road." Captain Hutcheson 
confirms him in his letter of September 24th, 1776, 
with the statement that " our advanced post is at 
the Black Horse tavern, and the Army is posted 
from the North to the East rivers quite across the 
country above Mr. Apthorp's." Kemble and Hutche- 
son, as well as Montresor, — all officers at the British 
headquarters, — are the best of authorities, and only 
recently have their letters and journals become 
accessible. Where before we were uncertain, we now 
have the desired information. Howe's left is very 
clearly associated with Apthorpe's. "Near" to 
Bloomingdale in his report means near to this house 
— across "by" it, or "above" it, say Kemble and 
Hutcheson. 

Furthermore, certain references will be made, in 
connection with the battle, to two other houses or 
farms lying north of Apthorpe's, which make it 
impossible to put Howe's "evening" encampment 
much further up on that flank. Near the present 



46 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

One Hundred and Sixth Street, west of the Bloom- 

mgdale road, stood the stone farmhouse of Nicholas 

Jones, and beyond, at the termination of the road 

(One Hundred and Fifteenth Street and Riverside 

Drive), was Adrian Hoaglandt's.^ East of Hoag- 

landt's, at the northeast corner of what are now 

the grounds of St. Luke's Hospital, lived Harman 

Yandewater. Hoaglandt's and Vandewater's were 

then the only two houses on the high grounds which, 

for many years, while the Bloomingdale Asylum 

stood there, were called Bloomingdale Heights, and 

which are now commonly known as " Mornmg- 

^ Map showing the Position of the British, Evening of 
September 15th, 1776. — The map on the opposite page pre- 
sents an important piece of evidence confirmatory of what is said 
above respecting the enemy's left. This is an extract from a larger 
plan of the operations around New York, published in London 
late in 1776, and is of special interest as showing the position 
of Howe's encampment after the Kip's Bay affair. It extends 
across the island, just about where the authorities mentioned 
in the text would locate it, — Horn's Hook on the right, Bloom- 
ingdale on the left, with the ships above. It lies some dis- 
tance below Harlem, or "Harlem Heights." One inaccuracy 
appears in placing McGowan's Pass north of Harlem instead 
of south. The name should be brought down to the first cross- 
roads on the main highway. On a later edition of the map, 
showing changes of position, the " Pass " is correctly indicated. 
Copies of the originals of both editions are in the possession 
of the writer. — This map may be compared with the full-page 
plan (pp. 50-51) representing the position of the two armies at 
the time of and after the battle. It will be observed that the 
distance between the advanced lines of the armies is, relatively, 
nearly the same in each. The outposts do not immediately 
face each other, but a space of a mile intervenes — an important 
point, as will be seen. 



POSITION NEAR APTHORPE'S 47 

side Heights." Kemble will tell us that Jones' was 
the scene of a picket surprise the next morning, the 
16th, and our principal authority on the movements 
of the Hessians states^ that the British outguards 
had been posted the previous evening "near to 
John's House." On the next day they will be 
fighting on " Hoyland's " or Hoaglandt's hill. Jones' 
and Hoaglandt's thus must both be beyond the 
British encampment and outposts on the evening in 
question. That encampment extended, as Howe 
reports, along the strong heights on the east side 
(about Ninetieth Street) to the line of the park at the 
cross road, near where the old " Black Horse tavern " 
stood until 1808, then through fields now included in 
the park, and on by Apthorpe's to the North River. 
This left probably rested on Striker's Bay (Ninety- 
sixth Street), and was covered by three men-of-war 
which had sailed up in the morning. In a word, we 
must place the encampment below the general line 
of what is now One Hundredth Street, with no ad- 
vanced posts or pickets thrown out beyond One 
Hundred and Fifth Street. 

On the larger plan of the field it will be observed 
that the topography presents almost as marked a 
dividing line between the opposing armies as the 
East River had just presented. Each occupies 
ground naturally strong, the Americans having the 
advantage. Upon deciding to withdraw from New 

^ The work of Max von Elkiiig on the part taken by German troops 
in the American war, 1776-1783. 



48 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

York, Washington and his generals fixed upon the 
heights north of Harlem Plains as the best position 
to occupy. Not all the Island was to be abandoned 
because the city had been lost ; in addition, the im- 
portance of holding Fort Washington above as a 
defence of the Hudson River still impressed our 
officers. After the Kip's Bay retreat, the troops 
encamped on the site referred to, which has long 
been known to us as " Washington Heights." The 
camp extended from Washington's headquarters, 
One Hundred and Sixty-first Street, down to the 
Manhattanville depression or "Hollow Way," — the 
valley extending diagonally from One Hundred and 
Twenty-fifth Street and Eighth Avenue to the Hud- 
son River at One Hundred and Thirtieth Street. By 
the army it was generally called camp " Harlem 
Heights," although this name was applied until 
many years after the Revolution to all the high 
ground around Harlem flatlands, including Morning- 
side Heights and the north end of Central Park.^ 

On these heights Washington had about nine thou- 
sand men fit for duty on the morning of the 16th, 
substantially the same force that retreated from 
Long Island. General Heath had four or five 
thousand more at King;sbrido"e. The divisions of 
Spencer, Putnam, and Greene were with the com- 
mander-in-chief. Less than one-half the troops 
were Continentals, enlisted for the year ; the re- 

^ As to the application of the name " Harlem Heights," see further 
in the chapter on the " Previous Versions of the Battle." 



AMERICAN LINES ON THE HEIGHTS 49 

mainder were six months' state levies or three 
months' militiamen. 

In the new position, the American soldier could 
feel a certain sense of relief and security. Nature 
assisted in restoring his resolution. The Manhat- 
tan ville '' Hollow Way " lay in front ; on the right, 
the Hudson River ; on the left, the low lands 
of Harlem ; in the rear, the lines of retreat were 
protected. Woods and knolls concealed the encamp- 
ment. As the site could be made practically im- 
pregnable with defensive works, no time was lost in 
erecting them. In the course of three weeks three 
lines of entrenchments and redoubts were projected 
across the heights, as indicated on the map of the 
position.-^ The most southerly of these, on the gen- 
eral line of the present One Hundred and Forty- 
seventh Street, was the one first thrown up, and 
included three small redoubts. It was begun by the 
troops on the 16tli of September, during the Harlem 
action, and, although somewhat weaker than the 
second line constructed later, it has been strongly 
drawn on the plan to emphasize its immediate rela- 
tion to the day's occurrences. At this point Man- 
hattan Island narrows sharply on the east side, with 
Harlem flatlands terminating above in a marshy 
edge. The slope of the heights becomes more 



1 This ground was surveyed by the British engineer Sauthier im- 
mediately after the fall of Fort Washington, November 16th. His 
original draught, now in the Library of Congress, indicates the lines 
with great clearness. 



50 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

rugged and abrupt, and the plateau at the top af- 
fords an admirable defensive front, hardly a mile in 
length. It was this point that Washington deter- 
mined to fortify, and it was here that most of his 
troops — Spencer's and part of Putnam's divisions — 
were posted as they came up from below on the 
evening of the 15th. General George Clinton indi- 
cates the position of this line in his letter of the 
21st (No. 9), where he says : " Our army, at least 
one Division of it, lay at Col. Morris's and so 
southward to near the Hollow Way which runs 
across from Harlem Flat to the North River 
at Matje Davit's Fly. About halfway between 
which two places our lines run across the River 
[Island] which indeed at that time were only 
begun, but are now in a very defensible state." 
This, with other references,^ locates the first line at 
One Hundred and Forty-seventh Street, which is 
almost precisely " halfway " between the points 
named. The second line, with four redoubts, ran 
along One Hundred and Fifty-third to One Hun- 
dred and Fifty-lifth Street; while a third, without 
redoubts, was begun but not completed at One Hun- 
dred and Sixty-first Street. The position was thus 
firmly secured. Below the lines, overlooking the 
Hollow Way, Greene's division was posted as a 
strong advance corps to guard against surprise and 
dispute the intervening ground with the enemy 
should they attempt to advance upon the works. 

^ See Chapter, " Previous Versions of the Battle." 




AMERICAN AND BRITISH ARMIES 

NEAR 

HARLEM 

from Sept 16 to Oct. 12. 1776. 



aa-F>RST LIKE OF WORKS THROWN UP BY THEAmEHICANS 

DUalf/a THE BATTLE OF Harlsm HEIGHT!; 147 St 
bb'SECOND AND STfinNtlEK llf/E ABOUT 155 ST Bulir lATEK. 
'-e - Third lwe. - let St - vtJFiNibHEi} 

\See note, necf- pag»'\ 



H U 



V E 




EAST 



BRITISH HEADQUARTERS 51 

The larger map also shows the position of the enemy 
more in detail.^ Howe established his headquarters 
at the Beekman mansion then standing on the line 
of what is now Fifty-first Street, near First Avenue. 
This was central to his command — the main body 
being above him, the city below, and a brigade on 
Long Island. His headquarters have sometimes 
been placed at Apthorpe's house at the front, upon 
the information of a British deserter who told Wash- 
ington that he •' believed " he was there. The best 
authority, however, is the writer of the letter (No. 
49), who states that " General Howe's headquarters 
are at Lieutenant-Colonel James Beekman' s house on 
the East River near Turtle Bay." ^ Apthorpe's was 
probably occupied by Sir Henry Clinton, who had 

^ Map showing the Position of the Two Armies near 
Harlem, from September 16th to October 12th, 1776. — 
The topography of this map has been compiled from official 
charts of the vicinity, and the position of the troops given 
as indicated in the orders of the two commanding generals. 
Washington's are to be found in Force's " Archives," and Howe's 
in the Order-book of the Brigade of Guards in the possession 
of the New York Historical Society. The main points of 
interest have been noticed in the text. It shows at a glance 
that space enough lay between the advanced posts of the two 
armies on the west side for a considerable engagement. After the 
" affair " the armies faced each other until October 12th, without 
much change of position. 

2 This letter has not appeared before among documents bearing on 
this campaign. Though brief, it contains important facts. Mr. Los- 
sing was the first of our historians to put Howe at Beekman 's. See 
his " Field Book of the Revolution," Vol. II., pp. 609, 611, where he 
offers good evidence from the American side. 



52 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

immediate command of the advance. Cornwallis may 
have made the " Black Horse tavern " his quarters. 
These two generals would thus be on the two main 
roads. Earl Percy we know to have quartered 
'•near Hurst's wharf/' which would put him in the 
vicinity of Kip's Bay. This officer commanded the 
" second line," and from the position of his quarters, 
it is inferred that his troops were encamped as indi- 
cated on the map.^ The line of works running across 
from Jones' on the left, through upper Central Park, 
on the line of One Hundred and Sixth or Seventh 
Street, to McGovvan's Pass, is an important feature, 
to which some reference will be made in the chapter 
on the battle. 

Here also, as introductory to the events of the 
16th, we must make mention of Colonel Thomas 
Knowlton and his Rangers, who brought on and were 
especially conspicuous in the fighting of the day. 

In his historical painting of the Battle of Bunker 
Hill, Trumbull sacrifices details of position to give 
prominence to the inspiring leaders in the action. 
Warren, Prescott, Putnam, Knowlton, the giant 

^ Howe's orders for Sept. 16, 1776, issued probably before the 
Harlem action was in full progress, read as follows : " The Brigade of 
Light Infantry and the reserve, the 3d and 4th Brigades of British, 
and the Hessian Brigades of Stern and Donop are to be under the 
command of Lieutenant-General Clinton, who will give his orders 
about posting them. The Brigade of Guards with the 2d and Gth 
Brigade of the British are to be under the command of Lieutenant- 
General Earl Percy, who will likewise give his orders for posting 
them." 



COLONEL THOMAS KNOWLTON 53 

McClery, are in the thick of the fray, in front and 
to the right and left of the "Pine Tree" standards. 
The characteristic figure in the group is the hatless 
and ununiformed Knowlton. He suggests the yeo- 
man or the farmer from the plough. In his shirt 
sleeves, with powder-horn and flint-lock musket, he 
is braving the regulars at what seems to be the dan- 
ger point in the fight. 

Captain Thomas Knowlton, as he then ranked, had 
already seen something of war, having been with 
Putnam on more than one of the French and Indian 
campaigns. He hailed from Ashford, in eastern 
Connecticut, and at the time of the Lexington 
alarm was thirty-six years old. " In person," says 
his biographer,^ "he was six feet high, erect and 
elegant in figure, and formed more for activity than 
strength. He had light complexion, dark hair, and 
eyes of deep spiritual beauty. His literary education 
was confined to the narrow routine of studies then 
taught in the common schools. Yet the possession 
of an intellect naturally bright, and quick to profit 
by the experiences and associations of military life, 
caused his companionship to be sought by the most 
cultivated. He was courteous and affable in manners, 
and wholly free from ostentation and egotism. Calm 
and collected in battle, and, if necessity required, ready 
to lead where any could be found to follow — he knew 
no fear of danger. The favorite of superior officers, 

^ "Memoir of Colonel Thomas Knowlton." By Ashbel Wood- 
ward, M.D., 1861. 



54 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

the idol of his soldiers and fellow-townsmen, he fell 
[at Harlem Heights] universally lamented." 

With many of his neighbors Knowlton promptly 
answered the Lexington call, and a few weeks later 
appeared as captain of his town company in Put- 
nam's regiment. When informed by his commander 
that Bunker Hill was to be seized and fortified, he 
replied — so his biographer tells us — that the proj- 
ect was unmilitary and hazardous ; " but," he added, 
" if you are determined to go upon the hill, I shall 
accompany you with my men and exert myself to 
the uttermost." From that action he returned to 
camp with a reputation as one of the stoutest de- 
fenders of the post and rail fence on Prescott's left. 
Concerned in other exploits around Boston, he re- 
ceived promotion, and in the summer of 1776 we 
find him serving as lieutenant-colonel of Durkee's 
Continental regiment with the army at New York. 
After the Battle of Long Island, in which Knowlton 
and a select party from his regiment narrowly 
escaped capture, he organized a small corps of 
"Rangers," such as Rogers, Putnam, and others had 
led in the previous war. It was composed of about 
one hundred and twenty volunteers from Connecti- 
cut and other Eastern regiments, and was expected 
to be constantly at the front watching the enemy's 
movements. The roster of the detachment (No. 39) 
in the "Authorities " shows that it was ably officered, 
Nathan Hale being one of the captains. Captain 
Thomas Grosvenor, whom Trumbull has also put in 



KNOWLTON'S RANGERS 55 

the foreground at Bunker Hill, was another. Knowl- 
ton's son and brother were in the corps. One soldier 
who belonged to it remembered long after that only 
those could join who were willing "■' to serve either by 
water or by land, by night or by day." Another, in 
speaking of Knowlton's leadership, recalled that he 
never said " Go on, boys ! " but always " Come on, 
boys." This, the first body of the kind in Washing- 
ton's army, was to be succeeded each campaign by 
a picked corps of Light Infantry, organized on the 
plan of the similar corps in the British army. When 
the enemy landed at Kip's Bay, the Rangers were on 
duty along the Harlem shore, where the principal 
attack was expected, and had no share in the day's 
events. On the following morning they will pre- 
cipitate our battle, and thereafter be constantly 
active in front of the lines until, with the capture of 
Fort Washington on November 16th, they disappear 
from the service as prisoners of war. 



IV 

THE BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

npHERE were anxious misgivings in the American 
-^ camp that evening as the demoralized militia 
came in from Kip's Bay, and officers and soldiers 
realized how steadily the campaign was going 
against them. One month before their outposts 
were on the Brooklyn hills ; now New York had 
been lost and retreat was the order of the day. 
Nevertheless let us again take note how small a gap 
they left between themselves and their powerful foe. 
The enemy, in full force, were but a mile and a half 
below them. Confidence had not wholly yielded to 
the anxiety of the moment. To Congress Washington 
wrote early on the following morning : " We are now 
encamped with the main body of the army on the 
Heights of Harlem, where I should hope the enemy 
would meet with defeat in case of an attack, if the 
generality of our troops would behave with tolerable 
bravery. But experience, to my extreme affliction, 
has convinced me that this is rather to be wished for 
than expected. However, I trust that there are 
many who will act like men, and show themselves 
worthy of the blessings of freedom." The events 
of the day proved that this trust was not misplaced. 

56 



THE RANGERS RECONNOITRE 57 

Mcany a soldier responded to the sentiment which 
moved young Captain Samuel Shaw to write to his 
father on the 18th : " I hope, by the blessing of 
Heaven, affairs will be in such a posture this way in 
a few days, as to bid defiance to their future at- 
tempts. Now or never is the time to make a stand, 
and, rather than quit our post, be sacrificed to a 
man. For my own part, it is but little I can do, but 
so long as the war lasts, I devote myself to it ; " and 
for seven years longer, to the end of the war, he con- 
tinued in the field. 

Whether the British would follow up their success 
the next morning remained to be seen. It is now 
known that they had no thought of doing so. But 
leaving nothing to conjecture, Washington directed 
Knowlton to make a reconnoissance of the enemy's 
position early on the 16th and report upon their 
movements.^ He himself was up at sunrise writing 
and despatching letters to Congress, when reports 
came in that the enemy had appeared in several 
large bodies upon the plains below. These reports 
proved to be unfounded, but he rode down from his 
headquarters to the most advanced posts overlooking 
the Manhattanville Valley, where Greene was in 
command, " to put matters in a proper situation if 
they should attempt to come on." 



1 Washington to Congress, morning of the 16th : " I have sent out 
some reconnoitring parties to gain intelligence, if possible, of the dis- 
position of the enemy, and shall inform Congress of every material 
event by the earliest opportunity." 



58 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

Knowlton and his Rangers promptly moved 
out before dawn and felt their way southward 
towards the British lines. Precisely what course 
they took — whether, starting from the right of our 
picket posts at about One Hundred and Thirty- 
second Street near the Hudson, they followed the 
line of Riverside Drive, or whether they set out from 
"Point of Rocks" and marched down the old Har- 
lem Lane towards McGowan's Pass and then turned 
west to the Bloomingdale road by which Silliman 
escaped the evening before — is unknown and in fact 
immaterial. It is enough to know that when we 
hear of them a little later, they were at the most im- 
portant point on the enemy's front. We find them 
stirring up their pickets on their left — that left 
which rested, as we have seen, somewhere on the 
Bloomingdale road not far above Apthorpe's, and 
between which and our pickets at the Hollow Way 
intervened the wooded and rolling grounds of the 
two farms on Morningside Heights. Had the enemy 
attempted an advance by that flank, they could have 
approached within easy striking distance without 
displaying their force; while an advance on their 
right from McGowan's up Harlem Lane could have 
been observed at once from the American posts at 
Point of Rocks. Knowlton' s party was thus scout- 
ing in the right direction, along the westerly side 
near the Hudson, where the enemy were screened 
from view. 

It was not until they reached Jones' farmhouse. 



STIRRING UP THE ENEMY 59 

about sunrise, that the Rangers encountered the Brit- 
ish pickets. This was the stone house already referred 
to as standing on the line of One Hundred and Sixth 
Street, west of the Boulevard, and its identification is 
an important fact in the narrative.^ It establishes 
the southern boundary of the battle-field. In this 
vicinity the skirmishing of the early morning began, 
and here the day's fighting ended eight or ten hours 
later. That previous writers on this action make no 
mention of Jones' as a guiding-point in the topog- 
raphy and refer but briefly to the Rangers' " day- 
brake " scouting, is, of course, due to the absence of 
the references in the case which have since become 
available. Here, again, we are under obligations to 
Kemble, Montresor, Hall, and others for the much- 
needed information. Kemble, the adjutant-general, 
whose accurate diary has helped us out in following 
the incidents of the 15th, makes this explicit entry 
for the next day : " Monday, Sept. 16th. In the 
morning a party of the enemy showed themselves at 
Jones's House." So too, Captain Hall, in his volume 
on the earlier campaigns of the war, writes : " On 
the 16th, in the morning, a body of the enemy moved 
out of their lines on Morris's Heights and appeared 
at a house near the edge of a wood, in front of our 

1 " To be Sold a Farm at Bloomingdale, about 200 acres more or less, 
seven miles from the city ; on said farm is a large strong stone built 
house, pleasantly situated near the North River ; conditions for the 
sale will be made easy to a purchaser. For particulars apply to 
Nicholas Jones on the premises, by whom an indisputable title will 
be given." 

[The Royal Gazette, New York, Oct. 28, 1780.] 



60 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

left flank, on which two companies of light infantry 
were sent to dislodge them." This is a clear refer- 
ence to Jones', as there was no other house above 
Apthorpe's on the Bloomingdale road but Hoaglandt's, 
which was too far north. Von Elking, who places 
the British pickets " near to Johns house " the even- 
ing before, confirms the foregoing, while Sir "William 
Howe in his report of the affair obviously locates his 
outposts in the same vicinity, or south of the Morn- 
ingside plateau, when he says that, " On the 16th in 
the morning a large party of the enemy having passed 
under cover of the woods near to the advanced posts 
of the army hy way of Vanderwater' s Heights, the 2d 
and 3d battalions of light infantry, supported by the 
42d regiment, pushed forward and drove them back 
to their entrenchments." Referring to Vandewater's 
Height, Howe may have intended either Vandewater's 
farm or the high ground of Morningside Heights gen- 
erally, but in any case, by making Knowlton approach 
his posts "by way of" that site, he puts the posts 
south of it or somewhere near Jones'. " By way of " 
presents no ambiguity; and, no doubt, it was from 
information furnished by Montresor, who was famil- 
iar with this locality and from whom we shall pres- 
ently hear again, that Howe was enabled to describe 
the topography so accurately. But Kemble's state- 
ment, amply substantiated by Howe, Hall, and 
Von Elking, settles the matter. The Rangers first 
" showed themselves at Jones's house." 

The important fact is thus established that 









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KNOWLTON'S EARLY SKIRMISH 61 

between the enemy's picket line below One Hun- 
dred and Sixth Street and that of the Americans 
at the northerly slope of Manhattanville, more than 
a mile above them, there was field enough for a 
spirited action; and on this intermediate ground 
— Morningside Heights — the main battle will be 
fought. 

Jones' house stood on a low hill, now nearly all 
cut away, and as Knowlton's men cautiously ap- 
proached under its cover, the enemy's advanced 
pickets caught sight of them through the trees and 
gave the alarm. These pickets, light infantrymen, 
were evidently stationed on the Bloomingdale road 
(Boulevard) at about One Hundred and Fourth 
Street, with their regiments encamped a short dis- 
tance below. It took no time, we may be sure, for 
the troops in the van to turn out and attack the pre- 
sumptuous Rangers. Two or three of their com- 
panies pushed forward and opened fire. Knowlton, 
although dangerously near the enemy's position, 
bravely stood his ground for a time. He seemed to 
feel that there had been running enough the day be- 
fore, and called upon his men to prove their mettle. 
It would be something to show the Light Infantry 
soldiers especially that panics did not last over night. 
As the Rangers had been chosen to meet such situa- 
tions as this, they did not disappoint their leader. 
A brisk skirmish took place. For half an hour or 
more, it must have been, the woods along the divid- 
ing line between Jones' and Hoaglandt's farms rang 



62 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

with sharp firing from both sides, when Knowlton, 
finding that the more numerous enemy were turning 
his flank, ordered a retreat, which was effected with- 
out confusion or loss. One of the ranging officers 
himself gives us an account of the affair.^ " On 
Monday morning," he writes, " the general ordered 
us to go and take the enemy's advanced guard ; 
accordingly we set out just before day and found 
where they were ; at day-brake we were discovered 
by the enemy, who were four hundred strong, and 
we were one hundred and twenty. They marched 
up within six rods of us, and then formed to give us 
battle which we were ready for ; and Colonel Knowl- 
ton gave orders to fire, which we did, and stood 
theirs till we perceived they were getting their flank- 
guards around us. After giving them eight rounds 
apiece, the colonel gave orders for retreating, which 
we performed very well, without the loss of a man 
while retreating, though we lost about ten while in 
action." Adjutant-General Reed, who had ridden 
down quite early to our front to verify reports of 
the enemy's advance, tells us that he reached the 
Rangers just before they were attacked. " I went 
down to our most advanced guard," he writes, ^' and 
while I was talking with the officer, the enemy's 
guard fired upon us at a small distance; our men 
behaved well, stood and returned the fire till over- 
powered by numbers they were obliged to retreat." 

^ See letter No. 17, written probably by Captain Stephen Brown, 
who succeeded Knowlton in command of the Rangers after the action. 



PREPARING FOR ACTION 63 

He adds that the British followed them up rapidly 
and that " I had not quitted a house five minutes 
before they were in possession of it." This house 
could have been none other than Hoaglandt's, as 
Vandewater's was too far to the east. 

The significance of this preliminary skirmish, in 
its bearing upon what followed, should be empha- 
sized. It not only led to the main fighting of the 
day, but also necessitated certain general movements 
and preparations within the American camp, which 
materially assist us in identifying its course. For a 
first effect, the skirmish put the advanced troops of 
both armies immediately upon the alert. We can 
readily tell what the enemy would do upon unexpect- 
edly hearing that rapid firing so close to their lines. 
"Eight rounds apiece" — a thousand shots — from 
the Rangers, and as many more, no doubt, from the 
Light Companies, made noise enough for military 
ears, and presently British reenforcements appeared. 
It was at this time, probably, that, as Howe reports, 
the 2d and 3d battalions of Light Infantry, with 
the 42d Highlanders following, were ordered out to 
assist the forward companies in driving Knowlton 
off the ground. 

Along the American front, we may be equally 
certain, every man was at his post. Washington 
himself, as already stated, had gone down from 
headquarters to Greene's advanced position above the 
Hollow Way to give directions in person. " When T 
arrived there," he writes, " I heard a firing, wdiich, I 



64 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

was informed, was between a party of our Rangers 
under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Knowlton, 
and an advanced party of the enemy." Greene's men 
all heard the firing below. It might or might not 
mean an attack in force, but all must be prepared for 
stout resistance, and in those wooded hills superior 
numbers could long be held in check. At the same 
time, or earlier, as the references indicate, Washing- 
ton put his main force — Spencer's and Putnam's 
divisions above — in readiness for action. Most of 
these troops were stationed along the line of One 
Hundred and Forty-seventh Street, where, as we 
have seen, the first entrenchments were thrown up 
across the Island. The work upon them was begun 
on the morning of the battle while Knowlton was 
skirmishing with the Light Infantry. Colonel Silli- 
man describes what occurred there : " Yesterday at 
seven o'clock in the morning," he writes on the 17th, 
" we were alarmed with the sight of a considerable 
number of the enemy on the Plains below us about a 
mile distant. Our Brigades which form a line across 
the Island where I am were immediately ordered 
under arms, but as the enemy did not immediately 
advance we grounded our arms and took spades and 
shovels and went to work, and before night had 
thrown up lines across the Island. There was noth- 
ing before but three little redoubts in about a mile, 
and we are at work this day in strengthening them." 
Adjutant David Humphreys, in Silliman's brigade, 
adds that the troops not engaged at the front, " dur- 



THE AMERICAN ARMY 



65 



ing the action were throwing earth from the new 
trenches with an alacrity that indicated a determina- 
tion to defend them." The point to observe in this 
connection is that our army on the forenoon of the 
16th was posted in two lines across the heights^ — 
Greene's brigades forming one and Spencer's and 
Putnam's the other — and that to effect anything 

^ Formation of the American Army on Harlem Heights, 
September 16, 1776. — As nearly as can be determined, our army 
was brigaded on the heights at the time of the action about as fol- 
lows. See position of the armies, map, pp. 50-51. 

161st Street 



Washington's 
Headquarters 



Fellows 



General Spencer's Division 
Silliman Wadsworth 



Mifflin 



147th Street 



General Putnam's Division 
Clinton Heard Douglas 



133d Street 



Nixon 



General Greene's Division 
Sargent 



Beale 



127th Street 



Manhattanville Hollow Way 



Point of Rocks 



66 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

decisive the enemy must break through both. Neither 
line, however, was disturbed. What happened proved 
to be a surprise — an unexpected success won by a 
portion of our force in an unexpected way just in 
advance of Greene's position. 

Returning to the Rangers, we find them retiring 
toward our front with the enemy following closely. 
It is clear enough that they fell back along the line 
of the old Bloomingdale road, as it was subsequently 
extended through Manhattanville to the Kingsbridge 
road above. An older farm lane ran along the same 
course, which is in part represented to-day by Clare- 
mont Avenue west of Columbia University and Bar- 
nard College. The street known as Broadway, where 
it crosses the Manhattanville depression east of the 
Boulevard, is also part of this lane. Reed, on horse- 
back, as well as Knowlton, must have followed it in 
returning to the lines. 

The British Light Troops had been keeping up 
what for the moment seemed to them a merry chase. 
Pushing after the Rangers through the woods and 
fields of Hoaglandt's farm, they halted somewhere, 
as we shall see, on the hill where Grant's tomb now 
stands, or the elevation known as " Claremont." 
From that point they could catch glimpses of 
Greene's troops on the opposite slopes, and there 
they must have rested for some time, as it was not 
until after ten o'clock that the more serious fighting 
of the day began. Evidently they were in high glee, 
and counted themselves well repaid for their morn- 



THE BRITISH LIGHT TROOPS 67 

ing's dash with the noble view of the Hudson stretch- 
ing away before them, while the sight of frightened 
and flying rebels was worth the hunt. This was the 
third time within a month that they had scattered 
or driven Washington's men with ease, and it only 
remained on this occasion for their bugler to send 
the contemptuous notes of the fox-chase across the 
hollow into the American lines. A gallant set of 
soldiers they were, and during the war they rendered 
their king conspicuous service, which in the idle hours 
of camp life they celebrated in the song : 

" Hark ! hark ! the bugle's lofty sound 
Which makes the woods and rocks around 

Repeat the martial strain, 
Proclaims the light-armed British troops 
Advance — Behold, rebellion droops, 

She hears the sound with pain." ^ 

But for once these light infantrymen were to be 
humbled. Upon returning from the skirmish line, 
Adjutant-General Reed immediately reported to 
Washington somewhere on the Manhattanville 
brow,'' and urged him to reenforce the Rangers. His 

1 From Rivington's " New York Gazette," 1778. 

2 In his interesting sketch of this action, President Stiles places 
the commander-in-chief apparently at the " Point of Rocks," where a 
small redoubt had been thrown up, and there undoubtedly he was to 
be found at intervals. Washington remained at the advanced posts 
for at least eight hours that day, and his " station " necessarily shifted 
from point to point, where for the time his presence was needed. The 
probabilities are that, when Reed came in, he was near the line of 
the present Boulevard, the skirmishing below being on the river side. 



68 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

own words are : " Finding how things were going, I 
went over to the General, to get some support for the 
brave fellows who had behaved so well." With equal 
numbers Knowlton might turn the tables on his pur- 
suers. What stirred Reed's blood, moreover, was 
the blast from that Light Infantry bugler referred 
to, which, just at this moment, rang into his ears 
from the Claremont hillside. " The enemy appeared 
in open view," he writes, "and in the most insulting 
manner sounded their bugle horns as is usual after 
a Fox-chase. I never felt such a sensation before — 
it seemed to crown our disgrace." Washington, it 
would appear, was not immediately persuaded of the 
advisability of forcing any more fighting. It be- 
hooved a weakened army to keep to the defensive, 
and as yet it was unknown to what extent the Brit- 
ish Light Corps was supported. To accept the chal- 
lenge might bring on a general engagement which 
the commander-in-chief had no wish to precipitate 
on that day at least. But he stood ready, as in more 
than one notable instance during the war, to turn an 
opportunity to advantage, and after satisfying him- 
self that the enemy were not in force on the opposite 
hill, he determined to humor their audacity with an 
enterprise of his own. He proposed to venture some- 
thing which, if successful, would inspirit his troops — 
something, as he wrote to Patrick Henry, " to recover 
that military ardour, which is of the utmost moment 
to an army." 

Washington, accoidingly, conceived the project, 



WASHINGTON'S MANCEUVRE 69 

not of driving the Light Infantry back to their camp, 
but of entrapping them in the Hollow Way. With 
such strategy he was familiar, and there were men 
around him who would eagerly attempt to carry it 
out. The plan was a simple one : first, to make a 
feint in front of the hill and induce the enemy to 
advance into the hollow; and second, to send a 
strong detachment circuitously around their right 
flank to their rear and hem them in. The plan was 
destined to fail in part ; but at the point of failure it 
developed into another movement which resulted in 
the happy event of the day. 

The two parties intended to effect the manoeuvre 
were immediately ordered out. The one to act as a 
feint was composed of about one hundred and fifty 
volunteers from Nixon's brigade of Greene's division 
under Lieutenant-Colonel Crary, of Hitchcock's Rhode 
Island Regiment. They advanced into the Hollow 
Way toward the enemy, who promptly accepted battle 
and ran down the hill to meet them. So far the plan 
succeeded as Washington wished. " On the appear- 
ance of our party in front," he writes, "they [the 
enemy] immediately ran down the hill, and took pos- 
session of some fences and bushes, and a smart firing 
began, but at too great a distance to do much execu- 
tion on either side." An officer who was an eye- 
witness of this movement — Lieutenant Hodgkins, of 
Nixon's bricrade — states that this command was 
posted in the edge of a thick wood (evidently at the 
top of the slope at about One Hundred and Thirty- 



70 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

fifth Street) and that by climbing trees the soldiers 
could observe the enemy's movements. Crary's vol- 
unteers advanced, "which," says Hodgkins, "answered 
the end for which they were sent." "For our peo- 
ple," he proceeds, "made the attack and retreated 
towards us to the place where we wanted them to 
come, and then the enemy rushed down the hill with 
all speed to a plain spot of ground." The feint had 
worked admirably. The redcoats had been drawn 
into the Hollow Way, and it was only necessary to 
hold them to the spot until the flanking party could 
reach their rear. Crary's men kept up their firing 
and presently Nixon's entire brigade — about nine 
hundred effectives — was sent to their support. 
Whatever else might happen, the American generals 
had no intention of letting the Light Infantry pursue 
their frolic any further in this direction. Hodgkins 
says of this move : " Our brigade marched out of the 
woods, then a very hot firing began on both sides 
and lasted for upwards of an hour." Another officer. 
Captain Gooch, also of Nixon's, confirms Hodgkins 
with the statement that after Crary's volunteers 
opened the fight " a terrible fire " greeted his ears, 
and " orders came for the whole brigade immediately 
to march." Washington, already quoted, speaks of 
the "smart firing" at this point, but notices that it 
was at too long range to do much damage. Under 
his plan the enemy were not then to be pushed. 

It is with Crary's feigned attack and the descent 
of the Light Infantry mto the Hollow Way, that the 




HEIGHTS. 



HUDSON 



R 



E R 




(Smntr nmlpofr/ 



PLAN OF THE BATTLE OF HVHLFJM HEIGHTS. 



MARTJE DAVID'S FLY 71 

main action of the day begins. We must, accord- 
ingly, digress a moment to establish the identity of 
the spot. Having shown how far south the enemy 
were first encountered, namely, near Jones' house, it 
remains to indicate the northerly point at which they 
were forced to turn back. That point was the new 
position in question, and the records are decisive as 
to the locality. Referring to the "Plan"^ of the 
battle, it will be seen that the northern projection of 
Morningside Heights on the river side — Claremont 

^ Plax of the Battle of Harlem Heights. — The topo- 
graphical features of this plan, including the present streets 
and the old farm lines, have been compiled from official sources. 
Hoaglandt's and Vandewater's farms, on which the battle was 
mainly fought, were surveyed in 1786 by Casimir T. Goerck, 
the official city surveyor, and his draught has been reproduced. 
Even the location of the orchard is fixed. In 1784 the "New 
York Packet " advertised for sale Hoaglandt's " noted farm," 
having on it "a valuable orchard of grafted fruit." Mr. N. 
De Peyster bought the farm ; and in his deed the line, as meas- 
ured from north to south, runs from a certain point "to the 
orchard, thence southwesterly across the said orchard as by a 
petition fence now divided [see " Plan "] to the southwest fence 
of the said orchard." Lib. 41, Conveyances, pp. 434-437. 
The deeds of Jones' farm are of record ; and on the commis- 
sioners' manuscript survey of the city made in 1807, the house 
is located as described in these pages. Martje David's Fly is 
so important a landmark that a separate plan of it is given 
elsewhere in this work. It will be observed that the descrip- 
tion and measurements given by Clinton are in accord with 
the topography of the plan, and cannot be reconciled with any 
other location of the battle-field than that here indicated. 
Modern improvements have largely levelled the rough features 
of Morningside Heights, but the " Plan " accurately represents 
the original lines and boundaries. 



72 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

Hill — terminates at the bay described as " Martje 
David's Fly." This bay, subsequently known as 
"Harlem Cove," has disappeared under the process 
of filling in and the building of docks and ferry 
sHps. The older Dutch name, the "Fly" or "Vly," 
properly described the salt meadow which skirted the 
cove between high and low water mark. It was also 
known as the " Round Meadow " in much the same 
sense that a similar meadow on Sherman's Creek 
above Fort George was called " salt " or " round." 
The Fly set inland into a swampy lot reaching 
nearly to the Boulevard on the line of One Hundred 
and Thirtieth Street, which accounted for the bend 
in the lane running through the Hollow Way to the 
"Landing." The topography of Claremont remains 
unchanged either in its pointed slope down to the 
river terminating at the Fly at One Hundred and 
Twenty-ninth Street, or in its more irregular and 
abrupt descent at the base just below the same street 
nearer the Boulevard. 

In his accounts of the action. General George Clin- 
ton, an eye-witness and participator, makes " Martje 
David's Fly " an important landmark. His reference 
to it, with confirmatory testimony, is especially valu- 
able for our purposes, as he had been a member of the 
commission to survey the line of Harlem Commons 
in 1774 and was familiar with the surroundings. 
The line began, according to the commission's report, 
"on a certain point on the east side of Hudson's 
River on the south side of the bay, lying before a 



WHERE THE ACTION BEGAN 73 

certain piece of meadow commonly known by the 
name of the Round Meadow or Mutje David's Fly." 
Clinton writes from accurate knowledge, and his two 
letters tracing the progress of the engagement are to 
be followed closely. In that of September 18th, to 
the New York Convention, he says : " On Monday 
morning, about ten o'clock, a party of the enemy, 
consisting of Highlanders, Hessians, the Light Infan- 
try, Grenadiers, and English Troops (Number uncer- 
tain) attack'd our ad vane' d party, commanded by 
Coll. Knowlton at Martje Davit's Fly.^ They were 
opposed with spirit, and soon made to retreat to a 
clear Field, southwest of that about 200 paces." 
Again to Dr. Tappen he writes on the 21st : " On 
Monday Morning the Enemy attacked our Advanced 
Party Commanded by Colo. Knowlton (a brave offi- 
cer who was killed in the Action) near the Point of 
Matje Davit's Fly — the Fire was very brisk on both 
sides — our People, however, soon drove them back 
into a clear field, about 200 Paces South East [west] 
of that." These references, "a^ Matje Davit's Fly" 
and ^^ near the point of Matje Davit's Fly," are suffi- 
ciently precise. Clinton clearly would have us un- 
derstand that the attack occurred near the river, 
close to a well-known locality. The ^^ point " referred 
to may be either the easterly edge of the meadow at 

^ Knowlton, as we have seen, was not attacked by the enemy for 
the first time at the Fly, but at Jones'. The attack, however, was 
kept up to the Fly or vicinity. The point of the reference is, that 
the enemy advanced no further than the Fly. "Our people," says 
Clinton, "soon drove them back " to a field southwest of that. 



74 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

the bend of the lane, as shown on the " Plan," or 
more probably it was the point of land, Claremont, 
sloping to the meadow. Washington and the other 
eye-witnesses describe the enemy as running down a 
hill, and Clinton, referring to the same movement, 
puts them at and near the Fly. There is no other 
hill there to satisfy the conditions but Claremont, so 
that the new position of the Light Infantry is estab- 
lished with approximate accuracy. We must place 
them in the Hollow Way in the immediate vicinity 
of the Boulevard and One Hundred and Twenty- 
ninth Street. That is "at" and '^near" the Fly. 
There where the first cluster of houses stood in old 
Manhattanville we have the scene of the beginning 
of the main action of Harlem Heights.^ 

With these points in the topography determined, 
we can follow the progress of the battle more intelli- 
gently, and especially the course of the flanking 
party, of which much was expected. This detach- 
ment, about two hundred strong, was composed of 
Knowlton's Rangers, now back at the lines, reen- 
forced with three companies of riflemen from 

1 The recollections of Colonel Henry Rutgers, an old New Yorker, 
present in the American camp on the 16th, are important. After the 
loss of the city, he says (No. 36) : " A division of the British army, 
taking the Bloomingdale road, arrived at Manhattanville" where fight- 
ing occurred. As Claremont Hill has both a northerly and easterly 
slope, it is difficult to determine where the enemy " ran down " ; but 
probably on the eastern side, as they would then have the lane behind 
them and a gentler ascent in their rear, should they be driven back. 
There is no ground east of the Boulevard that can be called a hill 
" near " the Fly. 



THE FLANKING PARTY 75 

Weedon's Third Virginia Regiment under the com- 
mand of Major Andrew Leitch.^ Weedon's battalion 
had arrived in camp only a few days before, and dur- 
ing the forenoon it had been posted prominently at the 
front. Recruited largely from the vicinity of Fred- 
ericksburg, — Weedon and Leitch both came from 
that place, — Washington was acquainted with many 
of the officers and men and felt that under the pride 
of old and new associations they would give a good 
account of themselves. On its rolls are the names 
of Captain William Washington and Lieutenant 
James Monroe, who were distinguished on later 
fields. Monroe is said to have been in this affair of 
Harlem Heights. With these fine bodies of men — 
Rangers and Riflemen — Knowlton and Leitch set 
out to execute the flank movement. Crossing the 
valley, necessarily some distance east of the point 
where Crary was engaging the enemy, they appear 
to have aimed for the ledge of rocks near One 
Hundred and Twenty-fourth Street and the Boule- 
vard on which Fort Laight was erected during the 
war of 1812. Could they reach it unobserved, the 
Light Infantry would be surrounded. But unfortu- 
nately, through no mistake of theirs, the attempt 
failed of complete success. Washington reports that 
"unluckily they began their attack too soon, as it 



^ The three companies were commanded by Captains West, Thorn- 
ton, and Ashby. For the part taken by Weedon's men, see the extract 
from a letter of one of his officers, given in the chapter on " Previous 
Versions of the Battle " in connection with the site. 



76 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

Avas rather in flank than in rear." Colonel Reed, 
who went with them, claims that one of the regi- 
ments in the " feint " made a movement by which 
Leitch, who led the flankers, was diverted from the 
proposed com'se. Some subordinate officer, mislead- 
ing the party, took them " out of the road I in- 
tended," adds Reed. There was some '' misappre- 
hension," Washington again writes, and the Light 
Infantry were not hemmed in. The mistake may 
have been due in part to the enemy's movements. 
At Manhattanville the British had stood their ground 
for nearly an hour, exchanging a brisk fire with Crary 
and Nixon — when, as Clinton reports, they were 
forced " to retreat to a clear field southwest of that 
about two hundred paces, where they lodged them- 
selves behind a fence covered with bushes. Our 
people attacked them m turn, and caused them to 
retreat a second time, leaving five dead on the spot." 
It is possible that the Light Troops, feeling the 
pressure of the feint, fell back to the fence in ques- 
tion (near Fort Laight), just as Leitch and Knowl- 
ton were coming around to the same point, in which 
case they would be taken in flank and not in rear. 

The " fence " overgrown with bushes was probably 
that which marked the northern boundary of Hoag- 
landt's farm as shown on the "Plan." It stood on 
the division line between the New York and Harlem 
Commons, and crossed the Boulevard at about One 
Hundred and Twenty-fourth Street. Hardly had 
the enemy taken cover there when Knowlton's men 



FALL OF LEITCH AND KNOWLTON 77 

struck their flank and at once joined in the fight. 
That the parties encountered each other at the point 
indicated seems to be made clear by Reed's descrip- 
tion and CUnton's references. " In a few minutes," 
says the former, " our brave fellows mounted up the 
rocks and attacked them — then they ran in turn" ; 
and again, " We went up, both men and officers, 
with great spirit." Sergeant Burnham of the 
Rangers remembered that in passing over they fell 
in with the enemy's right flank " posted out of sight 
on lower ground," and that the Infantry fired upon 
them as they reached " the top of the height." 
Such definite landmarks and guides as the rocks, the 
fence, the Fly, the distances by paces, the top of the 
height, the hill behind the enemy, and the general 
course of the fighting make it difficult to place the 
scene of Knowlton's attack at any other point on 
Morningside Heights. We must associate it with 
the vicinity of old Fort Laight.^ 

The proximate identification of this spot is of spe- 
cial interest because here fell the two brave leaders 
of the flanking detachment. Leitch, in advance, re- 
ceived three wounds within a few minutes and was 
carried off the field. " He conducted himself on this 



^ This fort was a small redoubt erected in October, 1814, by the 
85th Regiment New York State Militia, and named after their colonel, 
Edward W. Laight, of this city. It stood on the rocky point, a short 
distance east of the Boulevard, about halfway between One Hundred 
and Twenty-third and Twenty-fourth streets. The former street has 
been cut through the ledge. See photograph of the site on another 
page. 



78 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

occasion," says Colonel Griffith, "in a manner that 
does him the greatest honor, and so did all his party." ^ 
Almost immediately after, Colonel Knowlton also fell 
mortally womided. Mounting the ledges at the head 
of his men, with characteristic courage he exposed 
himself to the enemy and received their fire. Some 
of his men fell with him. The hero of Bunker Hill 
accepted his fate with a fortitude and devotion that 
impressed his comrades. Reed tells us that " when 
gasping in the agonies of death all his inquiry was if 
we had drove the enemy." Captain Brown, of the 
Rangers, wrote with evident feeling : " My poor Col- 
onel, in the second attack, was shot just by my side 
— the ball entered the small of his back. I took 
hold of him, asked him if he was badly wounded ? 
he told me he was ; but, he says, ' I do not value my 
Life if we do but get the day.' I then ordered two 
men to carry him off. He desired me by all means 
to keep up this flank. He seemed as unconcerned 
and calm as though nothing had happened to him." 
The trusty soldier lived but an hour and was buried 
on the following day with all the honors of war. 
His loss was felt throughout the army. In his orders 
of the 17th, Washington fittingly referred to him as 
" the gallant and brave Colonel Knowlton who would 
have been an honor to any Country." Major Leitch, 
whose wounds had not been regarded as dangerous, 
died on October 1st. His name appeared as the pa- 

1 Colonel Griffith's letter, No. 29, gives some particulars of Leitch's 
fall and the nature of his wounds. 



DRIVING THE ENEMY 79 

role for the day after the battle, and that the memory 
of the leader of the Rangers was kept green in camp 
is suggested by the record in an old orderly book in 
the Library of Congress, in which the parole an- 
nounced for March 18, 1778, at Valley Forge, is 
"Knolton."^ 

Notwithstanding the loss of their leaders, the 
Rangers and Riflemen pressed on, and in Washing- 
ton's words, " continued the engagement with the 
greatest resolution." The feint also developed into 
an attack, and the Light Troops were driven from 

^ Burial Place of Knowlton and Leitch. — Where these 
officers were buried is a matter of conjecture. The spot was 
probably on or in the immediate vicinity of old Breakneck 
Hill, on the line of St. Nicholas Avenue, running up to One 
Hundred and Forty-seventh Street. Heath tells us that Major 
Henly was buried by Knowlton's side, and the orders of Sep- 
tember 24th state that the former was to be buried from his 
brother's quarters " below the hill where the redoubt is thrown 
up on the road." This was Breakneck Hill. The burial place 
could not have been far away. Lossing and others state that 
both Knowlton and Leitch were buried in a redoubt on the site 
of the present Trinity Cemetery, West One Hundred and Fifty- 
fourth Street. But that redoubt had not been constructed at that 
date. The place was wooded and at a distance from the main 
road. There were no associations connected with it that would 
lead to its selection as the burial place of prominent officers. 
Dr. Woodward, Knowlton's biographer, knew many of the 
colonel's comrades, and gathered material for his Memoir in 
part from them. He states that Knowlton " was buried with 
military honors near the road leading from Kingsbridge to the 
city." This is probably correct. The spot might be marked 
at any point on St. Nicholas Avenue between One Hundred 
and Thirty-fifth and One Hundred and Forty -fifth streets. 



80 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

the fence. Clinton states that we brought two pieces 
of artillery to bear upon them at this point "which 
fairly put them to flight with two discharges." So 
a second time they gave way ; and with the aid of 
Clinton's and Reed's four circumstantial letters we 
can follow them from field to field. From the fence 
they must needs retreat up the hill — not up its 
Claremont slope down which they may have run, 
but straight back toward camp along the line of the 
Boulevard and the Bloomingdale lane. As Clinton 
says, " The second time, our people pursued them 
closely to the top of a hill. . . . We pursued them to 
a buckwheat field on the top of a high hill, distance 
about four hundred paces, where they received a con- 
siderable reenforcement, with several field-pieces, and 
there made a stand. A very brisk action ensued at 
this place which continued about two hours. Our 
people at length worsted them a third time." This 
is spirited and definite, and confirmed by others. 
Lieutenant Hodgkins, already quoted, goes on to say 
with Clinton : " Then the enemy retreated up the 
hill and our people followed them and fought them 
near an hour longer." Colonel Tilghman adds that 
our men rushed on and " drove the enemy from the 
wood into a buckwheat field." 

The location of this hilltop and field which mark 
the third stage in the pursuit of the enemy, and the 
site of the principal fighting, can readily be fixed 
within general limits. The " hilltop " was the high 
ground extending from Columbia University around 



THE MAIN BATTLE-FIELD 81 

westwardly and northerly to Grant's tomb and 
Claremont. In falling back, the enemy, as stated, 
would presumably occupy the southern brow, cover- 
ing the Bloomingdale lane and the retreat to Jones'. 
This would take them to about the line of One Hun- 
dred and Twentieth Street between the Boulevard 
and Riverside Drive. Somewhere there the buck- 
wheat field would be found, fiYe or six hundred paces 
from the fence. In that vicinity, on and northwest of 
the grounds of Columbia University and Barnard Col- 
lege, occurred the main battle of Harlem Heights.^ 

^Traditions and Relics of the Battle-field. — The 
recollections of some old people, preserved by the late Mr. 
Moore, librarian of Lenox Library, before any accounts of 
Harlem Heights had been written, are of interest. See in 
" Authorities," No. 37, where Mrs. McGowan, who lived in the 
vicinity, states that the action occurred on the hill " near the 
Bloomingdale Asylum " (present Columbia grounds). Another 
puts the spot where Knowlton fell between the asylum and 
Manhattanville, bearing out the references in the text. In 
Mr. Benedict's pamphlet, to be noticed later, a letter appears, 
on p. 51, from a Mr. Humphrey Jones, who says : " My father 
at one time lived at Manhattanville, and he has shown me the 
battle-ground. It commenced on the hill near the Asylum." 
Mr. Kelby of the Historical Society informs the writer that a 
son of John Pessenger, a butcher in the Revolutionary army, 
who attended Leitch during his illness, used to point out the 
large field immediately west of Columbia as the place where 
his father told him the enemy's dead were buried. On one 
occasion Mr. Kelby accompanied Pessenger, who identified the 
spot. Recollections are to be accepted cautiously, but in this 
case they are all supported by the contemporary documents. 

Few relics from Revolutionary battle-fields have been pre- 
served. On Manhattan Island they have been picked up mainly 
on Washington Heights, and represent the fighting at the 



82 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

From every account it was a gallant action. In 
this new position the fighting grew into a pitched 
battle, lasting from noon until about two o'clock. 
Washington had limited the morning's movement to 
an attempt to capture the British Light Troops ; but 
finding, on its failure, that his men were showing 
fine spirit and dash in advancing through the woods 
and up the hill, he commended their example by 
sending in supports and permitting them to engage 
in a direct attack. Among others, he ordered out 
several companies of the Maryland " Flying Camp " 
or state troops from General Beale's brigade, — three 
under Major Price, three under Major Mantz of Grif- 
fith's regiment, and three under Major Eden of 
Ewing's,^ with some from Richardson's ; also Colonel 
Sargent's brigade from Greene's command — Nixon's 
brigade from the same division being already in the 
field ; Colonel Douglas' regiment, one of those swept 
up in the Kip's Bay panic of the day before ; and 
the remainder of Weedon's battalion. Nearly eigh- 
teen hundred men were soon engaged on our side at 
the buckwheat field on the hilltop. To direct and 

capture of Fort Washington, Nov. 16, 1776. Three-pound 
cannon-balls, the only size fired by the British on September 16, 
picked up many years ago on the field of the Harlem action at 
One Hundred and Twenty -first Street, near Claremont Avenue, 
are in the writer's possession. 

1 Wednesday, Oct. 30, 1776, died Major James Eden of Colonel 
Ewing's Maryland Flying Camp, and was buried from Stronbergh 
Church, East New Jersey. His bravery was " displayed in an especial 
manner on York Island in the engagement of the 16"^ of September." 
— Philadelphia Paper, 1776. 



THE TROOPS ENGAGED 83 

encourage them by example, Generals Putnam, 
Greene, and George Clinton, Colonel Reed, and other 
members of Washington's staff joined in the battle. 
Our line must have extended from the northern part 
of the Columbia grounds westerly to Claremont 
Avenue or beyond, and from the direction the troops 
took as they went into the field it is probable that 
Greene's brigades — Nixon's and Sargent's — formed 
the right and that the Rangers, Riflemen, Flying 
Camp, and others formed the left. The main body 
of the commands represented New England, Mary- 
land, and Virginia, with volunteers from New York, 
New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. 

The enemy, also, were reenforced. Brigadier- 
General Leslie brought up the 2d and 3d Light 
Infantry battalions and the 42d Highlanders, while 
the increased firing soon prompted the British Gen- 
eral to support him with Cornwallis' Reserves,^ in- 
cluding the Grenadiers, the 33d, two field-pieces, a 
battalion of Hessian Grenadiers, and a company 
of Hessian Yagers or riflemen. Captain Harris of 
the Grenadiers remembers that they were " trotted 
about three miles without a halt to draw breath." 
The field-pieces and the Yagers alone reached the 

1 The command known as the " Reserve " in the British army was 
composed of the four battalions of Grenadiers and the 33d and 42d 
regiments. It was a " Reserve," not to the army at large, but to the 
van composed of the three Light Infantry battalions. Its place was 
in the advance, and in this campaign it was commanded by Earl 
Cornwallis. See the plan of the " Position of the Two Armies, Sept. 
16-Oct. 12, near Harlem," where the encampment of this corps is indi- 
cated with substantial accuracy. 



84 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

hill in time to engage, and but for Montresor's exer- 
tions, if we read his statement correctly, the guns 
would not have been there. At McGowan's Pass he 
found Lieutenant Wallace with two three-poimders, 
but no horses, so he had them " hauled by hand " to 
the front, where they did good execution firing sixty 
rounds apiece.^ As for the Yagers, they swarmed 
forward, says Von Elking, and "soon came into a 
hot contest on Hoyland's hill.^ " Although numeri- 
cally somewhat inferior to our forces, the corps 

\; engaged were among the choicest in Howe's 

: army. 

The enemy stoutly and proudly held their position, 
but appear to have made no attempt to drive us 
from the field at the point of the bayonet. The 
sharp fire of the Rangers and Riflemen and the 
determined courage which all the American troops 
displayed put them on the defensive. Many of our 
officers, writing as eye-witnesses, applaud the fine 
behavior of their men. Nixon's brigade included 

1 As stated in a previous note, three-pound cannon-balls have been 
found on the battle-ground, One Hundred and Tv?enty-first Street 
and Claremont Avenue. Whether the Americans brought artillery 
into the field is uncertain. Clinton states that two pieces were used 
in the beginning of the fight in the Hollow Way, but it may be 
doubted whether they were dragged up the hill to the buckwheat field. 
Some accounts state that Captain Oliver Brown, of the American 
Artillery, fought two guns throughout the action. 

^ The hill on which the action occurred stood partly in " Hoy- 
land's " [Hoaglandt's] farm and partly in Vandewater's. The enemy's 
reenforcements doubtless came up by the Bloomingdale road and lane 
which there ran through Hoaglandt's grounds. This reference assists 
us in locating the field. 



BRAVERY OF THE TROOPS 85 

Greene's two favorite Rhode Island regiments, under 
Colonels Varnum and Hitchcock, and their " exceed- 
ingly spirited" conduct greatly pleased the general. 
Maryland captains speak of the cheerfulness and 
alacrity with which their companies went into action. 
Leitch's Virginians, we are told, did themselves the 
greatest honor. Knowlton's Rangers, now fighting 
over the ground for the second time this morning, 
no doubt fought the harder to avenge their leader's 
fall. Local pride prompted Tilghman to write that 
the Southern men bore off " the palm " ; while 
Gooch, the Massachusetts captain, thought the New 
Englanders gained " the first Lawrells." Could these 
officers have surveyed the field together, they would 
have had none but the warmest praise for all. 
Generals and staff-officers were equally conspicuous. 
Putnam, Clinton, Reed, and Greene distinguished 
themselves by their personal exertions and bravery, 
and contributed much to the victory. In his enthu- 
siasm over the result, the latter wrote that, under 
discipline and good leadership, the American soldier 
could "bid defiance to the whole world." 

For nearly two hours the " hot contest " was kept 
up on the hilltop and around the buckwheat field, j 
when the enemy again retreated. A Hessian writer j 
represents that the Yagers and Highlanders had 
"fired their last shot." The Americans followed 
in close pursuit, and the day was won. As Clinton 
reports, " Our people at length worsted them a third 
time, caused them to fall back into an orchard, 



86 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

from thence across a hollow and up another hill 
not far distant from their own lines." This would 
take them to the vicinity of Jones' house, where 
Knowlton first found them in the early morning. 
The orchard through which they passed, and where, 
according to one account, they vainly attempted to 
rally, stood just west of the Boulevard and north 
of One Hundred and Eleventh Street.^ Near Jones' 
the pursuit ended. The British "Reserve," with 
Cornwallis doubtless at its head, was coming up and 
Linsingen's Hessian Grenadiers had just appeared. 
Tilghman, who had been sent down to recall our 
men, writes that they " gave a Hurra ! and left 
the field in good order " ; while Reed reports that 
they were recalled with difficulty, so new to them 
was the experience of putting the British soldier 
to flight. Washington sums up the day's work 
succinctly : " Our troops charged the enemy with 
great intrepidity, and drove them from the wood 
into the plain, and were pushing them from thence, 
having silenced their fire in a great measure, when 
I judged it prudent to order a retreat, fearing the 
enemy, as I have since found was really the case, 
were sending a large body to support their party." 
Late in the afternoon, the troops returned to camp, 
rejoicing in a success they had not anticipated, and 
conscious of having won it at the moment it was 
most needed, and in a way that would give it the 

^ See " Plan " and reference to the orchard in description of the 
field, p. 71. 



THE DAY'S CASUALTIES 87 

most effect. It was for them the welcome victory 
of Harlem Heights.^ 

The casualties of the day were as large, proportion- 
ately, as the combatants suffered in most of the 
battles of the Revolution. In the number of killed 
the Americans lost more, and in the number of 
wounded, less than the enemy. Kemble reports a 
total British loss of one hundred and seventy-one, or, 
in detail, one sergeant and thirteen privates killed, 
and two majors, two captains, seven subalterns, five 
sergeants, three drummers, and one hundred and 
thnty-eight privates wounded. Two or more of the 
wounded officers soon died. Of the Hessian Yagers 
one lieutenant and seven men were wounded. No 
detailed statement of the American loss can be 
found, but from some fragmentary returns (No. 40) 
and letters of officers, it may be closely estimated. 
Their killed numbered about thirty, and the wounded 
and missing not over one hundred. Among the 
officers, besides Knowlton and Leitch, Captain Gleason, 
of Nixon's Massachusetts, and Lieutenant Noel Allen, 
of Varnum's Rhode Island Reo;iment, were both 



1 To his army, Washington issued the following congratulatory 
order on the 17 th : 

" The General most heartily thanks the troops commanded yester- 
day by Major Leitch, who first advanced on the enemy, and the others 
who so resolutely supported them — the behaviour yesterday is such 
a contrast to that of some troops the day before, as must show what 
may be done where officers and soldiers will exert themselves. Once 
more, therefore, the General calls upon officers and men to act up to 
the noble cause in which they are engaged and support the honour 
and liberties of their country." No. 22 in the " Authorities." 



%- 



88 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

killed. Greene's troops on the right suffered more 
than the others — one of the commanding officers 
placing the casualties among them at seventy-five. 
By way of comparison it may be stated that the 
American force at Harlem Heights was but slightly 
inferior to that engaged at Bennington, and larger 
than the force at Stony Point, King's Mountain, or 
Cowpens, while its losses were greater than in any 
of these actions.^ 

That the British would claim " Harlem Heights " 
as a victory for themselves was to be expected. The 
final withdrawal of our troops from the field after 
the pursuit, they construed into a retreat. Howe re- 
ported that " the light infantry and 42d regiment, 

^American Casualties at Haklem Heights. — Killed 
in Kixon's brigade : Varnum's Rhode Island, 3 ; Hitchcock's 
Ehode Island, 5 ; Bailey's Massachusetts, 2 ; Nixon's Massa- 
chusetts, 3 ; Little's Massachusetts, none. In other commands : 
Sargent's Massachusetts, 1 ; Douglas' Connecticut, 2 ; Weedon's 
Virginia, including Leitch's companies, 3; the Rangers, includ- 
ing loss in iirst skirmish, probably 12 or more. The Maryland 
companies seem to have had very few, if any, killed (No. 18 in 
" Authorities "). As to the wounded, Lieutenant Hodgkins, of 
Little's Massachusetts, reports 20, with none killed in his regi- 
ment ; Weedon's, 12 ; Marylanders, Captain Low and 12 pri- 
vates ; wounded and missing, as reported in a few regiments, 15. 
Estimating the wounded not reported in several regiments of 
Nixon's and Sargent's brigades at 40 or 50, and the total 
reaches 100. — Speaking of the enemy's losses, Washington 
wrote to Governor Cooke, of Rhode Island, September 17th: 
"From the appearance of blood in every place where they 
made their stand and on the fences as they passed, we have 
reason to believe that they had a good many killed and 
wounded, though they did not leave many on the ground." 




■— ' — 






f^ = 7, a- 



o 5 

S o 






bil,CO 



BRITISH CLAIMS AND COMJVIENTS 89 

with the assistance of the chasseurs [Yagers] and 
field-pieces, repulsed the enemy with considerable 
loss, and obliged them to retire within their works." 
He failed to mention that his own troops had first 
been driven a mile to their own lines. In his orders 
of the next day he entertains the highest opinion of 
the corps which beat back " a very superior body of 
the rebels," but he has cold praise for the Light 
Companies for pursuing Knowlton in the morning 
" without proper discretion " or support. Donop, 
commanding the Hessian Light Troops in the army, 
modestly reported : " But for my Yagers, two regi- 
ments of Highlanders and the British Infantry would 
have all, perhaps, been captured." This important 
service seems not to have been appreciated by the 
British commander-in-chief, as he made no allusion 
to the Yagers in his report of the 17th. They came 
in for supplementary thanks a day or two later. 
The opinion of the best-informed among the enemy, 
in regard to the action, was probably reflected by 
Sir Henry Clinton in his criticism of Stedman's pub- 
lished account. " The ungovernable impetuosity of 
the light troops," he wrote upon the margin of the 
page, " drew us into this scrape." ^ Clinton was on 
the ground, his own command was engaged, and as 
a trained and observant soldier he well understood 
that it could not be credited with a victory. 

* Jay Pamphlet, pp. 32, 81. This comment appears in Clinton's 
copy of the history of the war by the British Commissary Stedraan, 
which is now in possession of the James Carter Brown Library, 
Providence, Rhode Island. 



90 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

To appreciate the significance and moral effect of 
this action, one has but to glance through the let- 
ters of the day written from the American camp. A 
most timely and well-delivered return stroke, it re- 
vived the energies of our army, and had its influence 
in compelling another delay in the enemy's move- 
ments. Clinton, not given to a show of enthusiasm, 
wrote that it had animated our soldiers, filled them 
with new spirit, erased every bad impression the 
retreat from Long Island had left on their minds, 
and that they thought of " nothing now but con- 
quest." " A most signal victory to us, and the 
defeat a considerable mortification to them," wrote 
Major Lewis Morris. If we " stick to these mighty 
men they will run as fast as other people," is Knox's 
comment. " It seems to have greatly inspirited the 
whole of our troops," and must result in "many 
salutary consequences," was the assuring message 
from the commander-in-chief to the president of 
Congress. Not the least of these consequences was 
the revival of interest in the plan of reorganizing 
the army on a permanent basis for future campaigns. 
Committees from Congress and State assemblies 
visited this encampment, consulted with the generals, 
and prepared lists of meritorious officers who de- 
served appointment in the proposed regiments of the 
Continental line. The requirements of the military 
situation were newly impressed upon all. Nor was 
it a secondary consequence that the victory came to 
cheer the heart and confirm the faith of Washington 



MORAL EFFECT OF THE ACTION 91 

himself at a time when the cares and anxieties of 
his position bore heavily upon him. With inex- 
perienced officers in every department, he had shoul- 
dered the burdens of the campaign by personally 
attending even to its minutest details. Keenly mor- 
tified at the recent defeats and retreats, he greatly 
stood in need of this exhibition of self-reliance and 
reserve power on the part of his troops ; and to his 
army Washington, as a leader, was all in all. We 
can do no less than accept his own expressive esti- 
mate of the value of this victory, for it seems to 
contain a meaning which the sense of profound relief 
alone can convey. Some pronounced success that 
would be immediately "inspiriting" and "salutary" 
was what the crisis called upon the American soldier 
to win ; and it was handsomely won at Harlem 
Heights. 



SUBSEQUENT EVENTS — THE RANGERS AND FORT 
WASHINGTON — TRENTON AND PRINCETON 

A FEW facts of local interest may be added to 
the narrative, and some continuity observed 
in rounding out Harlem Heights with a reference 
to Trenton and Princeton. 

Fearing a counter-stroke from the enemy after 
the action, Washington detailed large outpost de- 
tachments every night, on the slopes overlooking 
the Hollow Way. On the night of the 16th, espe- 
cially, his precautions were strict and minute. His 
orders directed General Putnam to command on the 
right flank along the Hollow Way, while General 
Spencer was to guard the ridge as far up as head- 
quarters. " Should the enemy attempt to force the 
pass to-night. General Putnam is to apply to General 
Spencer for a reenforcement." Also, " General Nix- 
on's and Colonel Sargent's divisions, Colonel Wee- 
don's and Major Price's regiments, are to retire to 
their quarters and refresh themselves; but to hold 
themselves in readiness to turn out at a minute's 
warning." This direction is of interest as definitely 
indicating what troops had borne the brunt of the 
day's fighting. They were to retire and refresh 
themselves. Nixon's and Weedon's men, in fact, 

92 



QUARTERS OF AMERICAN OFFICERS 93 

had had no rest the night before the engagement. 
The picket guards were to consist of eight hundred 
rank and file, officered with two colonels, two 
lieutenant-colonels, two majors and captains, and 
subalterns m proportion. Soon after the battle 
General Greene was placed in command of Fort 
Lee, opposite Fort Washington, and Nixon's brigade 
was transferred to the same point. 

The main force, meantime, strengthened the line 
of works across the island, referred to on page 49, 
which appears to have been our principal reliance 
for about two weeks. By the orders of September 
26th, Putnam was to command the troops in front 
of the line, and Spencer those in the rear. The 
"grand parade" ground of the army was established 
in the fields near Spencer's headquarters at " Mr. 
Kortright's " (to be more particularly mentioned in 
the next chapter), or on the general line of One 
Hundred and Forty-eighth Street, a little east of 
Amsterdam Avenue. Court-martials were held at 
" the White House near Head Quarters," which was 
probably the house marked on old surveys as standing 
on the present St. Nicholas Avenue at One Hundred 
and Sixtieth Street. Upon the approach of the enemy, 
alarm guns were to be fired from " the redoubts on 
the road by Colonel Moylan's." This officer was then 
quartermaster-general of the army, and his quarters 
were at a house on the late Bradhurst estate near 
the top of old " Breakneck Hill," St. Nicholas Avenue 
near One Hundred and Forty-seventh Street. The 



94 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

redoubts stood on the crest of the hill forming the 
left of our main line, and there it is believed that 
young Captain Alexander Hamilton was stationed 
with his company of artillery. His well-known 
estate on Washington Heights, which he purchased 
after the war, lay just below this point. The most 
conspicuous mansion on the heights, now the only 
remaining specimen of Colonial architecture in New 
York, was the property of Colonel Roger Morris, a 
retired officer of the British army.^ This, as we 
well know, was Washington's headquarters from the 
evening of September 15th until October 20th, when 
the army retired to White Plains. In his letter of 
September 24th (No. 53), Captain Hutcheson makes 
some interesting references to the general's city 
quarters ; and in the same letter he gives a brief 
description of the great fire which swept New York 
on the night of September 21st. 

The enemy made no demonstrations after the 
16th for nearly four weeks, the interval being 
occupied in completing the Jones-McGowan line of 
forts and entrenchments. They keep "very shy," 
writes General McDougall. Indeed, they do not 
appear to have made any effort to confine us closely 
to our own lines, as the Rangers and other parties 
foraged and scouted over Harlem Plains without 
opposition. Colonel Tilghman, Washington's con- 
fidential aid, describes one of these expeditions, 

^ See article on the " Roger Morris House " in the " Magazine of 
American History" for February, 1881. 



OPERATIONS RESUMED 95 

" Yesterday morning," he writes, October 3d, " we 
had occasion to bring off a parcel of hay and grain 
from Harlem ; to effect this with safety a covering 
party of one thousand men were ordered under arms. 
As the enemy could plainly discover our men march- 
ing towards their right flank [that is, down Harlem 
Lane to McGowan's Pass] I believe they imagined 
an attack was intended upon their lines. They 
immediately beat to arms, struck their tents, and 
manned their lines. Upon perceiving our real inten- 
tions they let us alone, set down again, and let us 
bring off the grain." On the 7th, he adds : " The 
two armies are as quiet as if they were a thousand 
miles apart." ^ A week later Howe resumed opera- 
tions. Convinced that Washington could not be 
assailed in his new position without great loss of 
life, he again resorted to the flanking process, and 
on October 12th, leaving Percy with two brigades 
to defend New York, he broke camp and began 
his movement into Westchester County. Proceeding 
through Hell Gate to Throg's Neck, on Long Island 
Sound, he threatened the American left and rear. 

Compelled by Howe's operations to fall back from 
Harlem Heights, Washington, by the 26th, had 
occupied and fortified White Plains, and there 
awaited the enemy's attack. The battle took place 
on the 28th, without discredit to the American arms. 
The losses were about equal ; but as our forces 

^ "Memoir of Lieutenant-Colonel Tench Tilghman," pp. 142, 143. 
Compare -with letter, No. 25, in " Authorities." 



96 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

withdrew from the field, the British claimed the 
victory. 

Trusting too confidently in the natural strength 
of Fort Washington above the Harlem Heights 
encampment, a council of war voted to retain it 
after the Island had been abandoned. With Fort 
Lee on the Jersey side, it was expected to close the 
navigation of the Hudson to the English ships, al- 
though three of them had previously sailed through 
the barriers. Colonel Robert Magaw, of Pennsyl- 
vania, was placed in command. On the 16th of 
November, however, the enemy, returning from 
White Plains, attacked the fort from four directions, 
and the garrison of over twenty-five hundred men 
surrendered. This was the heaviest loss, though 
not the severest blow, of the campaign, the responsi- 
bility for which was shared alike by General Greene 
and the commander-in-chief. 

Among the detachments captured was the corps 
of Rangers which had made a name for itself in 
the action of Harlem Heights. Washington in- 
tended to have it follow the main army, but Colonel 
Magaw petitioned that it might remain with him. 
Representing the Rangers as being the only secur- 
ity to his lines beyond the fort, and that he must 
contract his cordon of guards if they were taken 
from him, the colonel was permitted to keep them. 
On the day of the attack they were stationed on 
familiar ground in the Hollow Way and around the 
point of Rocks, and when Percy's troops, forming 



FATALITY OF THE RANGERS 97 

one of the enemy's columns, advanced from Jones' 
and McGowan's, they were forced back to the fort, 
which surrendered as they reached it. A singular 
fatality seemed to accompany this brave little body. 
Its first leader, Knowlton, was mortally wounded at 
Harlem Heights. Captain Brown, who succeeded 
him for a short time, was killed at the defence of 
Mud Island, near Philadelphia, in 1777. The third 
leader. Major Colburn, of New Hampshire, who was 
wounded in a skirmish in which the Rangers en- 
gaged late in October, fell fighting at the head of 
his regiment in the second Battle of Saratoga. The 
fourth was Captain Lemuel Holmes, who was to 
remain a prisoner in the enemy's hands for two 
years. Captain Nathan Hale, who by virtue of his 
rank would have had the command after Colburn, 
had been executed as a spy. That many of the men 
died in the prisons in New York or returned home with 
shattered constitutions can be inferred from the frag- 
mentary journal of Lieutenant Babcock,^ who himself 
succumbed to disease contracted while caring for his 
unfortunate comrades. The Rangers began and ended 
their service on Harlem Heights. 

From Fort Washington to Trenton and Princeton, 
or the close of the campaign, was another interval 
of six or eight weeks. As these weeks elapsed 
Washington's army dwindled to the merest shadow 
of a force. But knowing what resolute men could 

1 No. 42, among the "Authorities," now printed for the first time. 
It throws some light ou prison experience during the Revolution. 



98 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

do at a favorable moment, he twice turned upon the 
enemy and gladdened the country with victories 
brilliantly and most opportunely won. Princeton, 
the closing success, may be associated in a way with 
Harlem Heights. In the former we find the Ameri- 
can soldiers exhibiting a discipline and effectiveness to 
be gained and developed only through the experience 
of such affairs as the latter. It was Nixon's brigade, 
Greene's old command, — the same that fought so 
well on Morningside Heights, — which, at a critical 
point in the action, advanced upon the enemy at 
Princeton, and helped to turn the day decisively in 
our favor. The movements were similar, — in each 
case a fearless attack upon the regulars in the open 
field. 

The men of the time, as we must believe not only 
from their own animated descriptions but from the 
nature of the action itself, would have accorded the 
Battle of Harlem Heights a prominent place among 
the events of 1776. Far from being an isolated inci- 
dent of the campaign, it establishes a closer relation 
of events. Unexpectedly rousing a despondent army, 
and reassuring it of its vitality and possibilities, it 
could have left none other than a permanent impres- 
sion. The typical soldier of that field fought on. 
He was the patriot of the Revolution. Locally we 
lose sight of him only on Evacuation Day, Novem- 
ber 25, 1783, when New York was in his hands 
once more. 




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PREVIOUS VERSIONS OF THE BATTLE 



ADDITIONAL REFERENCES TO THE 
LOCATION OF THE FIELD 



PREVIOUS VERSIONS OF THE BATTLE — AD- 
DITIONAL REFERENCES TO THE SITE 

WHILE our earlier historical writers and biographers, 
such as Gordon and Marshall, give the main facts 
of the Battle of Harlem Heights, Mr. Benson J. Lossing 
was among the first to attempt the identification of the site. 
When he wrote his " Field-Book of the Revolution," few 
documents referring to the topography were available, 
and he made the mistake of going too far south and east. 
He placed the action on the flats or " Plains " of Harlem, 
around McGowan's Pass, near the northeastern end of 
Central Park ; and in consequence it was long called 
the " Battle of Harlem Plains." Mr. Henry W. Dawson, 
with General George Clinton's valuable letters to guide 
him, identified the true site so far as to shift it from the 
plains to the high ground of the present Morningside 
Heights ; but having no reference to Jones' or Hoag- 
landt's houses, and being misled as to the location of 
Martje David's Fly, he put the fighting to the east of the 
Boulevard. Bancroft mentions it indefinitely, as having 
been fought south of the Manhattanville valley. The 
Hon. John Jay, with more documents at command, sub- 
stantially agreed with Dawson, but retained the name 
of " Harlem Plains," in view of the fact that the action 
began on the low ground, although continued on the 
heights. 

In February, 1878, the late Erastus C. Benedict, Esq., 
of New York City, formerly Chancellor of the Regents of 
the State University, read a paper on the battle before 

101 



102 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

the New York Historical Society, which was printed in 
pamphlet form soon after his death in 1881. His version 
of the action varied from all preceding ones in locating 
the scene of the principal fighting a mile north of the 
Manhattanville " Hollow Way," instead of south of it. 
The late Mrs. Martha J. Lamb, author of the well-known 
"History of New York City," adopted Mr. Benedict's 
version, and through her work it has been accepted by 
many readers. This new account was not based upon the 
discovery of new material, but on a new interpretation of 
the old. Neither Mr. Benedict nor Mrs. Lamb contributed 
any contemporary documents to the authorities bearing on 
the action. The work of research and compilation had 
been done by other writers. Mr. John Austin Stevens, 
founder of the " Magazine of American History," who, 
in the May number for 1880, critically reviewed Mrs. 
Lamb's account, and Mr. William Kelb}^, librarian of the 
Historical Society, who unearthed and compared much 
of the material utilized by the later writers in tlie case, 
place the entire fighting in and south of the "Hol- 
low Way." General T. F. Rodenbough, in his chapter 
on this campaign, in Wilson's " Memorial History of 
New York City," does the same ; as also the present 
writer, in Vol. III. of the Long Island Historical Society 
" Memoirs." 

While these earlier writers may not agree with each 
other in certain points of detail, they are, with the ex- 
ceptions mentioned, of one opinion respecting the site of 
the battle-field. Three or four of them, before preparing 
their accounts, not only made independent researches 
and carefully examined the topography of the field before 
modern changes set in, but discussed the details of the 
engagement among themselves with a view to reaching 
correct conclusions. In no case did it occur that the 



PREVIOUS VERSIONS 103 

action might have been fought north of Manhattanville, 
as the situation itself and the documentary evidence made 
it impossible to entertain any such theory. 

Mr. Benedict seems to have been misled at the outset 
by attaching too strict a limitation to the name of the 
battle. He held substantially that the name " Battle of 
Harlem Heights " itself indicated where it took place ; 
that it must have been fought on ground known by that 
name, and that the only ground so known was the range 
of heights north of Manhattanville where the American 
army was encamped. All the facts in the case are then 
made to fit this theory. Mr. Benedict's words, page 11 of 
his pamphlet, are : " If the battle was at the time known 
as the Battle of Harlem Heights, it would require very 
strong evidence to show that it was fought in either of 
these four places [indicated by other writers], no one of 
which was in the vicinity of Harlem Heights nor could 
with any propriety be called Harlem Heights." But as 
to this, many historical illustrations will occur to show 
that the name of a battle does not necessarily indicate its 
locality with topographical precision. A battle of Harlem, 
or any other heights, may or may not be fought on the 
heights. It may be fought at the base and around the 
heights, in defence of the heights. The troops may 
march out from their camps on the heights, as they did in 
this case, and associate the battle with the heights, with- 
out firing a single shot on or from the heights. The pre- 
cise locality of the fighting can only be determined by the 
evidence in the case, and not by the name. It has been 
shown in the main narrative that this battle was fought in 
immediate defence of the heights, although not on them, 
and hence could be called with propriety the "Battle of 
Harlem Heights." 

Furthermore, while that portion of the high ground on 



104 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

which the American troops were encamped may alone 
have been known to them as Harlem Heights, the name 
was applicable to the entire ridge encircling Harlem 
Plains. It was so applied as late as 1814, when, upon the 
threatened attack by the British, many citizens of New 
York volunteered to work on the defences marked out by 
the engineers. The forts at McGowan's Pass, the block- 
houses in Central and Morningside parks, Fort Laight on 
the Boulevard, and the entrenchments enclosing the site 
of Grant's tomb were described at the time as the works 
at Harlem Heights. Tliis designation was used by Gen- 
eral J. G. Swift, chief engineer. United States Army, in 
his official report on the construction of the lines, all of 
which were south of Manhattanville, and it repeatedly 
appears in the newspaper references of the day. Subse- 
quently the name Bloomingdale Heights came to be 
applied to the section north of One Hundred and Tenth 
Street, which has been supplanted in turn by that of 
Morningside Heights. Local associations are thus pre- 
served in remembering the battle by the older descrip- 
tion of Harlem Heights. As Sergeant Burnham of the 
Rangers accurately states, it was fought "on one of the 
Harlem Heights." ^ 

To sustain his theory and fight the battle north of 
Manhattanville, Mr. Benedict was forced to put an inter- 
pretation on the contemporary documents which cannot 

^ Locally, among the Harlem farmers, different parts of the ridge 
would be known by the names of the owners and occupants. The 
slope and bluffs of Morningside Park were no doubt called " Van- 
dewater's Heights," the name Howe uses in his report. McGowan's 
Pass and Heights described the northern part of Central Park. Per- 
sons wishing to view the Hudson would go over to Hoaglandt's Heights 
or Hill, now Grant's and Claremont. Point of Rocks and Morris 
Heights above were well known. But generally speaking, it was all 
Harlem Heights. 



PREVIOUS VERSIONS 105 

be borne out. A few of his leading points may be 
noticed. 

First, it is assumed in his account that, on the morning 
of the battle, the enemy were encamped on Morningside 
Heights, and that no fighting could have occurred within 
their own lines. But the proofs in support of the as- 
sumption fail to apply. Thus the statement of Captain 
Graydon, of the Pennsylvania troops, is quoted to the 
effect that our advanced picket at the Point of Rocks 
was " only separated from that of the enemy by a valley 
a few hundred yards over" (namely, the Hollow Way). 
But an important fact is withheld in the omission of 
Graydon's further statement that it was " now November " 
when he wrote. This officer was alluding to the situation 
nearly two months after the battle, when the main British 
and American armies had left Manhattan Island and 
were manoeuvring in Westchester County. We made no 
effort to hold the heights as far down as Manhattanville 
except with a slight line of Rangers and others who were 
to watch the movements of the enemy. By that time, 
November, the latter had advanced their pickets to the 
Hollow Way. The situation thus had materially changed. 
The statement of Captain Harris of the 5th British Regi- 
ment, then serving with the Grenadiers, that they took 
post " opposite " to the rebels on the evening of Sep- 
tember 15th, is also quoted , but Harris meant no more 
than did Captain Evelyn, of the 1st Light Infantry, when 
he wrote that the Americans were on the " opposite 
hills." Both these officers were speaking generally, and 
had no reference to the slopes which face each other 
across Manhattanville. Moreover, Evelyn states that he 
was encamped near " a strong pass " (McGowan's) ; and 
from Howe's orders we know that his battalion was posted 
at that point. " Opposite " in these quotations means a 



106 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

f-t 
mile or more opposite. Howe, Kerable, and Hall, we 

have seen, settle the question of the site of the British 

camp on the 16th. On the west side it was below One 

Hundred and Sixth Street. 

Again, unable on his assumption to fight the enemy 
within their own lines on Morningside Heights, Mr. Bene- 
dict was forced to place the action within the American 
lines north of the Hollow Way. He places it in the very 
centre of their camp, and almost within gunshot of Wash- 
ington's headquarters. His account maintains, in brief, 
that Knowlton's early skirmish probably occurred near 
One Hundred and Twentieth Street, and that the Rangers 
retreated along the low shore of the Hudson, with the 
Light Infantry pursuing, as far as One Hundred and 
Fifty-fifth Street, where Audubon Park now lies. There 
Knowlton and Leitch attempted their flank attack (" One 
Hundred and Fifty-fifth to One Hundred and Fifty-eighth 
streets and Eleventh Avenue," says Mr. Benedict), which 
developed into the main action of the day fought from 
One Hundred and Fifty-fifth Street down to Breakneck 
Hill, at One Hundred and Forty-seventh Street, on the 
east side, down which hill the enemy finally retreated 
to their camps. In other words, according to Mr. Benedict 
and Mrs. Lamb, " the evidence is overwhelming that 
Harlem Heights, between One Hundred and Fifty-eighth 
Street and Manhattanville, west of the Kingsbridge road, 
was ablaze with the fire of battle from 11 A.M. to 3 p.m. 
That was the field of battle." Both these writers admit 
(p. 25, Benedict pamphlet) that Washington's force of 
nine thousand men was encamped within almost precisely 
the same limits, or, to repeat, between One Hundred and 
Sixtieth Street and Manhattanville. 

It will be observed at once that, under this new ver- 
sion, " Harlem Heights " was an extraordinary action, 



PREVIOUS VERSIONS 107 

reflecting far more credit upon the British than upon 
the American army. The version represents that four 
hundred light infantrymen, chasing Knowlton's Rangers, 
actually penetrated the American lines for more than a 
mile without being observed by other troops ; that they 
blew their defiant bugle notes in the rear of our main 
encampment; that Washington found it necessary to 
order out a flanking party to hem them in when there 
were ten American brigades already below them ; that 
the British reenforcements, five or six thousand men, 
says Mr. Benedict, coming up to rescue the Light Com- 
panies, also penetrated the camp and fought for nearly 
two hours on our own chosen ground ; and that they 
retreated by the Kingsbridge road under the ridge we 
occupied, from which our troops could have inflicted upon 
them the severest loss. In a word, we are given to under- 
stand that a mere detachment of the British army pushed 
through Washington's lines, fought, at times, within four 
short blocks of his headquarters, made the circuit of his 
strong position, and then returned to Morningside Heights, 
carrying all their guns and wounded with them, and 
losing but fourteen men killed! A proud day that, for 
the enemy ! Their final retreat would have counted as 
nothing against the daring and brilliancy of the achieve- 
ment, and their reports and descriptions of it would have 
been something besides the disguised admissions of defeat 
we find them. 

Of course no such engagement occurred. No fighting 
took place that day north of the Manhattanville depression. 
Neither Mr. Benedict nor Mrs. Lamb seems to have been 
sufficiently impressed with the fact that our main force — 
Spencer's and Putnam's divisions — was throwing up en- 
trenchments across the Island at One Hundred and Forty- 
seventh Street during the action, and that the fighting 



108 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

must have been, at all events, below that point. Mrs. 
Lamb recognizes the existence of the line and yet puts 
part of the action above it.^ Mr. Benedict places the line 
in one case at One Hundred and Sixty-first Street, in an- 
other (p. 26) at One Hundred and Fifty-third, while in 
another (p. 25) he accepts Clinton's statement that the 
lines ran across halfway between headquarters and the 
Hollow Way, which would be at One Hundred and Forty- 
seventh Street. That the latter is the correct location 
can be abundantly shown from other references, although 
Clinton's statement should be conclusive (see ante, p. 50). 
Thus Washington's orders for September 26th provide as 
follows for manning the works in case the enemy attacked : 
" Gen. Beal's brigade is to repair to the lines which cross 
the road by Colonel Moylan's lodging and extend their 
right flank to the middle redoubt by Mr. Kortright's house, 
occupying the same. Generals Wadsworth and Fellows 
are to take the remaining part of these lines, with the re- 
doubt therein, on the North River. These three brigades 
to defend these lines or wait there for orders. . . . General 
Putnam is to command in front of the lines by Mr. Kort- 
right's ; General Spencer in the rear of them." Spencer's 
headquarters were at Kortright's, and the reference to that 
house would alone establish the location of the line. The 
house stood east of Amsterdam Avenue on about the line 
of One Hundred and Forty-seventh Street, and at the 
time was the property of Charles Aitken of St. Croix. It 

1 Mrs. Lamb illustrated her account with a plan of the field, but its 
topography is erroneous at One Hundred and Forty-seventh Street, 
where " Silliman's " line (the main line) is extended considerably to 
the east of the main road. The road ran near the ridge at that point 
and entrenchments could not be thrown up east of it. Nor does the 
line extend westward to the Hudson, as it should be extended. The 
entire plan is faulty. " Silliman's " line is properly represented as 
the first line constructed, aa, in the present work, pp. 50-51. 



PREVIOUS VERSIONS 109 

had previously belonged to Colonel John Maunsell, of the 
British army. Just now it was temporarily occupied by 
Lawrence Kortright, who had retired from his own house 
at Harlem for safety.^ Furthermore, Captain Graydon, 
quoting a description of these works in his " Memoirs," 
says (p. 175) : '' About a mile below Morris's house, two 
lines, nearly parallel to each other, were constructed by 
General Washington, when the army retired to the upper 
part of the island, after the evacuation of New York. 
These lines extended from the vicinity of Haerlem river, 
across the island, to the North river, and were in length, 
each about a mile. The first line, towards New York, in- 
tersected the great road leading to Kingsbridge, after the 
height is ascended from Haerlem plains." This intersec- 
tion of " the first line " was at the top of old Breakneck Hill, 
directly east of Mr. Kortright's, which again determines 
the location of the line. Clinton is thus confirmed by 
Graydon, the reference to Kortright's, and by Sauthier's 
survey mentioned in the note on page 49. To repeat, that 
line where our main force entrenched itself during the 
progress of the action was the One Hundred and Forty- 
seventh Street line. This fact is fatal to the new version. 
As the writers in question extend the fighting more than 
ten blocks above that point, they present us with the 
singular spectacle of an army fortifying itself against an 
enemy supposed to be in its front when that enemy was 
engaged in what Mr. Benedict calls " a bloody battle " im- 

^ This fact appears in a letter from Mr. Garret Abeel (MSS. Xew York 
Historical Society), in which he says: "After the firing of the Eni- 
mies Cannon ceased on fryday Evening 13 Sept : I ordered my man 
Sam to put the Horse in ye Chair, and I proceeded that Evening as 
farr as the Hill above Harlem to the place where Mr. Law"" Kortright 
had retired to, Being a House Belonging to Mr. Eagans [Aitken] of 
St. Croix, where I was kindly received." The house is marked on the 
map, pp. 50-51, as " Mr. Kortright's." 



110 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

mediately in its rear. Colonel Silliraan (No. 13) is clear 
on this point. " Our brigades," forming a line across the 
Island, grounded their arms, he says, and then taking to 
spades and shovels worked till nightfall entrenching them- 
selves. Toward noon they heard sharp firing about half 
a mile below them, where " we had two brigades lying as 
an advanced guard." These were Greene's brigades, fre- 
quently mentioned in the account of the battle, ante, and 
the sound of the firing heard came from the Hollow Way 
near the Fly, where the action began. Obviously there 
was no fighting in the vicinity of our main line.^ 

In this connection, also, it may be noticed that, under 
the new version, only half the American army was engaged 
in the action, although fought on its own camping-ground. 
Why the whole of it was not thrown upon the venturesome 
British to overwhelm them, does not appear. How came 
Washington to miss his advantage ? The plain answer is 
that no such advantage presented itself. Mr. Benedict 
and Mrs. Lamb misconceived the true character of this 
engagement in magnifying it into one of the leading 
battles of the Revolution. The force actually in the 
field, as already shown, was not more than eighteen hun- 
dred men on either side. In his roster of the American 
troops, page 6 of his pamphlet, Mr. Benedict estimates the 
numbers at forty-nine hundred, but the list contains many 
errors. One command is included five times under differ- 
ent designations, another three times, the Marylanders 

^ In his account Mr. Benedict twice places the main line at One 
Hundred and Sixty-first Street, and twice below it at One Hundred 
and Fifty-third Street. It could not in any case have been at the 
former street, as that one included no redoubts (Silliman says there 
were three on the line), and was never completed. As late as October 
14th Washington's orders refer to the One Hundred and Sixty-first 
Street trenches as " the line which was intended to be run across from 
headquarters inclusively." 



PREVIOUS VERSIONS IH 

twice, and Greene's brigades, the bulk of the force, three 
times. A corrected roster would reduce the figures by 
more than three thousand. " Harlem Heights " was 
fought by advanced detachments of the two armies, and 
the field lay not within the lines of one or the other, but 
between their respective outposts. 

The various other inaccuracies and mistaken assump- 
tions of the new version hardly call for more than a pass- 
ing reference. Thus, it is claimed that the cannon-balls 
and other battle relics unearthed on Washington Heights 
at different points above One Hundred and Thirty-first 
Street are " not without force as evidence of the place of 
conflict." But what conflict? The only fighting with 
which that ground is associated in our revolutionary 
history took place on Nov. IG, 1776, when the enemy 
captured Fort Washington. Both the British and Ameri- 
can reports of that affair make it clear that Earl Percy's 
column, approaching in two divisions from McGowan's 
and Jones', drove back our pickets from the Hollow Way 
and approached our lines under the fire of their field-pieces. 
On the side of the enemy it was largely an artillery attack.^ 
This will account for the cannon-balls. As further evi- 
dence, it is gravely asserted that " the bones of a horse, 
perhaps General Reed's horse, which was disabled under 
him in battle," were found on that site in 1879. But why 
not take it to be the steed of the British general? We 
have more than one English authority confirming " the 
accounts of Lord Percy's horse having been shot under 

^Greene reports (November 16th) that "the enemy made their 
appearance on the hill where the Monday action was (namely, 
Claremont and Harlem Heights battle-field), and began a severe 
cannonade with several field-pieces. Our guards soon fled." Gray- 
don states that the enemy also opened fire upon the heights from 
batteries on the east side of the Harlem. One or more six-pounders 
were brought into play by the Americans. 



112 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

him at the siege of Fort Washington." At Harlem 
Heights, September 16th, the enemy had but two three- 
pound guns in the action, and the Americans not more 
than two, if any at all. Three-pound cannon-balls, as 
already stated, have been picked up on that field. In 
addition, that site was occupied and ploughed over for 
many years after the battle, which will account for the 
early disappearance of relics. 

As to traditions, it is stated that Aaron Burr placed the 
battle of September 16th on the heights above the Hollow 
Way. But Burr's own words have never been reported. 
If he made that statement, his memory had lapsed. 
Mr. Benedict prints the letter of a Mr. Humphrey Jones, 
who writes : " My father at one time lived at Manhattan- 
ville, and he has shown me the battle-ground. It com- 
menced on the hill near the Asylum, and the Americans 
drove the British up the road and down the hill, often 
called by the name of Breakneck Hill." This is quoted 
as showing that the action occurred in the vicinity of the 
latter hill. On the contrary, this writer evidently refers 
to the Breakneck Hill on the Bloomingdale road near 
Claremont. Why should the Americans drive the enemy 
" up the road " (north) from the Asylum ? Jones clearly 
associates the action with the site below Manhattanville. 
The term " Breakneck " is known to have been applied 
locally to three or four steep descents between One Hun- 
dred and Fifteenth Street and Fort Washington. 

General George Clinton, frequently quoted by Mr. Bene- 
dict as supporting his views, confutes them at all points. 
One statement is not quoted. The general tells us that 
on the night after the battle, the night of the 16th, he 
was stationed with his brigade " on the ground the action 
first began," or, as Washington's orders directed him, on 
" the heights commanding the Hollow Way." On the 



PREVIOUS VERSIONS 113 

next day the general sent a party out to bury our dead, 
which party discovered that the enemy had removed their 
own during the night. But if the battle-field lay a mile 
above the Hollow Way, the enemy must be credited with 
having accomplished the unprecedented feat of entering 
our closely guarded camp and carrying off their dead, 
twice crossing our outpost lines and main entrenchments 
unobserved ! 

How far the Stiles sketch of the battle-field confirms 
Mr. Benedict's theory, as claimed by its supporters, will 
be noticed under the next heading. 

The publication of this new version was unfortunate. 
As it has received wide acceptance through Mrs. Lamb's 
otherwise excellent work, criticism and refutation are called 
for, in the interests of our local history. Here accuracy and 
fulness in detail are demanded, and alone lend value to 
the narrative. 



ADDITIONAL REFERENCES TO THE SITE OF 
THE BATTLE-FIELD 

IF further evidence is necessary to establish the location 
of the battle-field on the westerly side of Morningside 
Heights, it may be found in certain references and mate- 
rial not previously utilized in this connection. What is 
known, for example, as the " Stiles sketch " of the action 
has been i3roperly accepted as an important guide, but 
perhaps its most significant feature has been overlooked. 
The original sketch appears in the well-known diary of 
President Stiles, at Yale University, in which he kept 
a record of Revolutionary events for his own reference. 
The sketches, of which there are many, were his own 
drawings lightly outlined to illustrate special battles or 
the general military situation. Some of them are valua- 
ble as having been drawn from the descriptions given in 
person by officers from the field, or other eye-witnesses. 
Respecting the sketch of the Harlem Heights engage- 
ment. Dr. Stiles makes the following entr}^ under date of 
Oct. 18, 1776: "When I was at Fairfield I saw Sloss 
Hobart, Esq. a sensible Gent. & a member of the New 
York Convention. He gave me the following draught 
of the Action of 16 Sept. which began near the 14 m 
Stone & ended at the 8 m Stone. . . . We have two 
General Clintons in our Army. From one of them who 
was in the action [General George Clinton] Mr. Hobart 
received the account." The sketch, which the writer has 
frequently examined, is wholly from Dr. Stiles' pen ; it was 

drawn by him, as we must infer, under Judge Hobart's eye. 

114 



SITE OF THE BATTLE-FIELD 115 

It will be observed at a glance that the drawing (p. 117) 
gives the battle-field a decidedly westerly location. All 
the references, lines, and landmarks are well over on the 
bank of the Hudson River. Thus, the reference " A," 
which marks the north side of the Hollow Way, where 
the action began, is on the river side ; and " B " and *' C," 
marking the fences, are still nearer the bank ; while the 
fence lines extend to it. The square, "E," indicating 
the buckwheat field, is westerly ; and " F," the orchard, is 
again on the high bank, nearly on a line with the eighth 
milestone on Harlem Lane, which is almost precisely the 
position given it in the deed of Hoaglandt's farm referred 
to in the note on the " Plan " of the battle. This is a 
striking and valuable feature of the sketch. 

Furthermore, the sketch effectually disposes of the new 
version, in placing the entire action below the Hollow 
Way. Dr. Stiles followed Clinton's description — the de- 
scription given in his letters printed in the " Authorities," 
and already liberally quoted in the narrative. When Dt. 
Stiles refers to "a Hollow Way," it is Clinton's Hollow 
Way ; unfamiliar with the surroundings himself, he would 
know of no other. Clinton describes but one such locality, 
the only locality of the kind in the entire region, namely, 
" the Hollow Way which runs across from Harlem Flat 
to the North River at Martje Davit's Fly." This was the 
Manhattan ville depression, where the main action began. 
In the sketch the movements are all south of it.^ 

1 One error appears in the Stiles sketch : the ninth milestone should 
be placed where the tenth milestone is marked, otherwise the references 
cannot be reconciled with the topography. Thus, the buckwheat 
field where the main action occurred is located directly opposite to 
the ninth milestone, which stood on the Kingsbridge road near One 
Hundred and Thirty-fourth Street. Clinton and others state that 
the field was " on the top of a high hill "; but there is no hill in that 
vicinity rising from a hollow way north of it. Taking tlie sketch 



116 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

Further light is thrown on the location of the field 
in certain references to the point where the action termi- 
nated. From " E," says Dr. Stiles, the enemy fled, and 
attempting to rally in an orchard at "F," were so closely 
pursued that they stood but a few minutes, when the rout 
became general. The orchard is important. It brings 
the action down to the line of One Hundred and Eleventh 
Street, between the Boulevard and Riverside Drive. This 
is but a quarter of a mile above the Jones house. Just 

literally, and comparing it with the correct topography as given in 
the " Plan," pp. 70-71, it will be noticed that the field would come 
on the line of the Boulevard between One Hundred and Thirty-second 
and One Hundred and Thirty-seventh streets, where the heights 
slope down to Manhattanville from the plateau above. The field, 
indeed, would lie partly in the Hollow Way. Again, if the distances 
are accurately indicated, one will have to search long for the hollow 
way marked "A" by Dr. Stiles, and located south of the line of the 
tenth milestone. That stone stood near One Hundred and Fifty-third 
Street. The hollow way would lie below, or at about One Hundred 
and Fiftieth Street ; but nothing answering the description exists 
there. The only deep dip in the banks of the Hudson, on those 
heights, is to be found at the site of Audubon Park, six or seven 
blocks above ; but that was in no sense a hollow way, and, as already 
shown, could have had no relation whatever to the actual battle-field. 
In a word, the key to the topography of the sketch is the reference 
" A," or Clinton's hollow way at Manhattanville. Dr. Stiles probably 
inserted the milestones as a general guide, without pretensions to accu- 
racy. Judge Hobart could not have directed him, for in that case 
Dr. Stiles would not have inserted the memorandum above the sketch, 
already given, that the action began near the fourteenth milestone, or 
five miles above Manhattanville. 

In the matter of distances and topography, Mr. Benedict was 
misled in several important particulars by consulting surveys showing 
roads and milestones as they stood some years after the Revolution. 
For instance, the Middle Road, line of Fifth Avenue, did not exist in 
1776; the eighth milestone was not in Harlem near One Hundred and 
Twenty-fifth Street; the ninth and tenth milestones were lower down 
than he indicates, etc. The correct distances are given in the maps 
accompanying this work. They represent the Revolutionary period. 
Changes set in soon after the war. 




^Ji 



i\OI0 M. 

u 



G U 

SISG. Washington's Station 

t 
t t ll 

t tpY Enfilade 
t t t t 

t 



G9 M. 



;'/08 M. 

II 
II 
II FT) 

HARLEM 

X 



The Stiles Sketch of the Harlem Action, 1776. 

EXPLANATION. 

A. The noi'th side of a hollow way wJiere the action began. 

B. Fence, behind which the enemy rallied the tirst time. 

C Fence, from whence our people attacked the enemy at B, 150 yards 
apart. 

D. No field-pieces, but Virginia detachment enfiladed the enemy. 

E. Buckwheat field, where the enemy rallied a second time and an 

action ensued for 1.^, hours, when the enemy tied, and attemiit- 
ing to rally in an orchard at 

F. Were so closely pursued that they stood l)ut a few minutes when 

the rout became g-eiieral. 



[Original in Library of Yale University. Lettering printed.] 



SITE OF THE BATTLE-FIELD 117 

below Jones', near Striker's Bay, lay three British men-of- 
war in plain view of many of the combatants. Three 
different accounts mention them. Lieutenant Hodgkins 
says that the enemy " got under cover of their ships which 
was in North River. Then our people left them." Among 
the Stiles papers is a letter from Lieutenant Grossman, in 
which he tells his father: "I turned out volunteer & 
followed them and we won the ground, drove them till 
they brought their ships to bear on us, and the grape shot 
flew thick eno' for once." The soldier Martin remembers 
that the enemy " found shelter under the cannon of some 
of their shipping, lying in the North River." So the 
action closed on the river side. Confirmation comes from 
Montresor, who reports that the rebels were attempting 
" to cut off our left, and getting around us between our 
left and Hudson's River." 

We may also recall the fact that on the night of the 
battle, September 16th, the enemy began to fortify their 
position, and in the course of three weeks had thrown up 
a strong line of works across from Jones' to McGowan's 
Pass. Of this line almost no mention has been made 
either by general or local historians. It ran directly 
across the upper part of present Central Park, and was 
intended to protect New York from rebel attacks while 
Howe operated with his main force elsewhere.^ Among 
the " Authorities " will be found certain extracts from the 

1 From the " Narrative of Lieutenant- General Sir "William Howe," 
London, 1780: "From that time [Sept. 16] to the 12«' of October 
we were employed in fortifying the heights from Macgowan's Pass 
to the North River, about two miles from the enemy's most advanced 
intrenchments, and in getting possession of Paulus Hook. . . . There 
was a necessity of intrenching upon the height I have mentioned, in 
order to cover New York in the absence of the main army." An 
original MSS. map of this line is in the possession of the New York 
Historical Society. 



118 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

orderly-book of the guards showing the progress of the 
work, especially at and around Jones' house. That point 
on their left was well secured. The " rock-redoubt " was 
just east of the house ; a small battery in front. Mr. 
Jones, the occupant, evidently hoped to escape the rav- 
ages of war by securing an order of protection from the 
nearest British generals, Clinton and Leslie. He was 
supplied with one on the day after the battle, but inevi- 
tably his property was ruined.^ Among the items of the 
" Claims " he subsequently presented, appeared one for 
material " for an extensive range of works from the river 
to McGowan's Pass which comprehended timber for the 
Forts and platforms for the Redoubts for upwards of 1800 
yards — damage unspeakable." In this line of works we 
have an additional piece of evidence, indicating the point 
to which the enemy were pushed. Clinton says distinctly 
that they were "well contented to hold the last ground 
we drove them to." Again, " I lay within a mile of them 
the night after the battle and never heard men work 
harder." From his position at the Fly to the Jones' 
house was about a mile. Some days after the action. 
Colonel Glover wrote to Washington from Fort Lee, on 
the Jersey side, where he could overlook the field : " The 
enemy are forming an encampment on the edge of North 
River [at Jones' place] about one mile below where the 
battle was fought on Monday." At Fort Lee, also, some 
New Jersey troops witnessed the engagement, and from 
reports coming through them Peter Dubois made out 



1 The following appears, with many other interesting particulars 
in regard to the Jones estate, from Pasko's " Old New York " : 
" Mem : Tuesday Sept. 17, 1776, Received a Protection of Major 
General Leslie, strictly requiring no person to molest or injure Mr. 
Jones, his family or property, on their peril. Wed 18"^, the same con- 
firmed by order of (the then) Maj. Gen. Clinton." 



SITE OF THE BATTLE-FIELD 119 

(Nos. 35, 36) that it was fought " on the banks of Hud- 
son's River about two miles higher than Mr. Apthorps, 
near where the Gully terminates that crosses the island 
as you enter Harlem Lane from Kingsbridge." The 
gully was the Hollow Way, and from Apthorpe's to the 
upper edge of Martje David's Fly, where the fighting 
began, is precisely two miles. 

An interesting letter from Captain Gustavus Brown 
Wallace, of Weedon's Virginia Regiment, throws light 
on what occurred near Martje David's Fly where the 
action began, and should be consulted in connection with 
what has been said on pages 73-76. To his brother at 
Fredericksburg the captain writes from camp, Septem- 
ber 18th: "That night [the 15th] our Regiment were 
kept under arms the whole night, and in the morning 
about 9 o'clock we heard our picquet guard that belonged 
to a New England brigade attacked by the enemy, on 
which our Regt. was drawn up in a small field that 
we had been in all night and about five or six min- 
utes after we saw the picquet guard running like the 
d — 1,^ on which we were ordered to advance forward 
with 7 Companies for over half a mile which we did and 
then formed in the woods on the side of a hill just above 
a meadow that was 150 yards wide. We then came in 
sight of our enemy who were posted on the opposite side 
of the meadow on a woody hill, on which Capt. West, 
Capt. Thornton, Capt. Ashby and a rifle company from 
Maryland were ordered under command of Maj' Leitch 
to cross the swamp above the meadow and flank the 
enemy — after our seven companies of musquetry were 
drawn on the side of the hill, the enemy fired on our 

1 We take this running to have been the feigned retreat of 
Colonel Crary's party who were sent forward to decoy the enemy 
into the Hollow Way. See pp. G9, 70. 



120 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

right wing, which brought on a pretty hot engagement 
across the meadow — the distance was so great that there 
was little execution done on either side till a Connecti- 
cut Brigade [probably Nixon's Massachusetts and Rhode 
Island] got betwixt us and the enemy in the thicket that lay 
on our side of the meadow, from which they killed a few. 
This drew the enemy's attention on us and them that were 
in the thicket, on which Maj' Leitch was ordered to sur- 
round them, and in attempting it he and his party fell in 
with about 1500 of the enemy who had like to have taken 
Leitch and his party, but they made a manfull stand and 
exchanged three rounds when our poor Maj' received 
three balls through his side on which his party were 
obliged to retreat, but did great execution. We had in 
that part of our Regiment 3 killed, 8 wounded. We had 
in the main body of the Regiment where I was three 
wounded. . . . The Major is thought to be in a good 
way. Thos. Hungerford got slightly wounded in the 
foot. Col. Weedou got part of the hilt of his sword 
taken off by a ball. All our officers and soldiers behaved 
with the greatest bravery and the troops that were engaged 
got Gen'. Washington's thanks yesterday in publick orders. 
I forgot to tell you the enemy retreated from the battle field 
and we took possession of it. . . . When Leitch attacked 
them they retreated from us and we took the ground they 
occupied. The wood they lay in were cut to pieces by 
our balls. Though I say it that should not say it — the 
Virginia Regt. has got great honour in this action." ^ 

As Captain Wallace states in the opening of this letter 
that his regiment was in General Greene's command, and 

1 The original of this hitherto unpublished letter is in possession 
of Mr. Robert T. Knox, of Fredericksburg, Virginia, the writer 
having received it through the favor of the Rev. Dr. R. R. Howison, 
of the same place. 



SITE OF THE BATTLE-FIELD 121 

as Colonel Griffith adds that it was ordered out early in 
the day to take " a particular post in front," the position 
of the battalion seems to be made out. The meadow can 
be none other than the " Round Meadow " or Fly, and the 
hillside where the regiment was posted may be identified 
as the slope of the former Lawrence Hill, One Hundred 
and Thirty-third Street, near the Hudson. The enemy 
were on the opposite side, which was the Claremont Hill. 
Then Leitch is detached and marches east across "the 
swamp above the meadow " (see " Plan " of battle, where 
the swamp is indicated) to join Knowlton in the circuitous 
flank attack. Weedon's seven remaining companies take 
part, with Crary and Nixon, in the exchange of fire which 
continued for about an hour near the Fly, and with which 
encounter the main fighting of the day began. This has 
been more fully noticed on page 70. In other words, 
Captain Wallace's letter goes to sustain Clinton in open- 
ing the action " at " and " near the point of " Martje 
David's Fly. From the captain's statement that they 
fired across the meadow, it might be inferred that the 
fighting began a little further west in the Hollow Way 
than is indicated in the " Plan " of the battle. This con- 
firms all the many other references placing the action on 
the westerly side. 

The documentary evidence invariably and conclusively 
points to an action fought from the edge of Martje David's 
meadow south along " the banks of Hudson's River " to 
Nicholas Jones' farmhouse overlooking its waters. 



Plans of Martje David's Fly. — The two plans of the Fly or 
Round Meadow opposite the next page throw light on several points 
in the text. Thus General Howe and other English authorities state 
that on the morning of the action the Light Infantry drove the rebels, 
that is, Knowlton 's Rangers, "back to their entrenchments." These 



122 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

entrenchments weie light breastworks thrown up by Greene's com- 
mand at different points on the northerly brow of the Hollow Way, 
some of which are shown on Plan No. 2. The breastworks nearest to 
the river were on the hill where the Lawrence mansion afterwards 
stood, and they would be in full view from the opposite, or Claremont, 
hill, where the Light Infantry halted and sounded the fox-chase call 
across the valley. When Howe goes on to report that we retired 
within our " works " after the battle, he refers to the same entrench- 
ments. There were other works at Point of Rocks which were still 
well preserved when Randall made his official survey of the island in 
1812-15. Modern improvements, fortunately, cannot efface the char- 
acteristic features of this part of the field. While the bay, or Harlem 
Cove, has been largely filled up and the meadow and swampy ground, 
extending back to the Boulevard, were long since filled in and covered 
with buildings, the " Hollow " remains. One can stand on the Clare- 
mont slope and overlook the entire scene where the action began. 
There is the valley across which the firing was kept up for about an 
hour after the Light Troops ran down the hillside and accepted our 
challenge. It was long-range musketry fire all along from the line of 
the Boulevard to the meadow — "a pretty hot engagement," says 
Captain Wallace, but the distance too great for much execution; 
"smart firing," and "very brisk," write Washington and Clinton; a 
" very hot fire," lasting more than an hour, says Lieutenant Hodgkins. 
During that hour Knowlton and Leitch were getting into position 
further east in the vaUey to hem in the Infantry with their flank 
movement. Then the action continued southward along the Bloom- 
ingdale road and the line of the Boulevard. This part of the field can 
be surveyed from the high ground along Claremont Avenue, east of 
Grant's tomb. 

Plan No. 2 also explains and illustrates General Greene's statement 
in No. 23 : "The enemy next day at Harlem Heights, flushed with the 
successes of the day before, approached and attacked our lines, where I 
had the honor to command." We may put the general on the Law- 
rence Hill when the fight opened. Just below him on the slopes and 
in "the thickets" his troops were beginning the day's work. Right 
there we would find the officers whose letters have been quoted in the 
narrative, — Hodgkins, Gooch, Wallace, and others. On this ground, 
too, General Clinton, as he tells us, was posted with his New York 
brigade on the night after the battle — "on the ground the action first 
began," are his words. 




Mart.te David's Fly or the Round Meadow, 1776. 



No. 1. Extract from the draught of City Surveyor Goerck, 1795. Lib. 
52, p. 12(3, Register's Office, New York. Letteriug ^^rinted. 

No. 2. From outline British draught, about 1776, in Library of Con- 
gress, Washington. 
The swords and streets inserted show about where the main action 

began, 11 a.m., this being the most northerly point to which the enemy 

advanced. Compare with the " My " in the plan of the battle, pp. 70-71. 



AUTHOKITIES 

AMERICAN, ENGLISH, AND HESSIAN 

ON THE 

BATTLE OF HAELEM HEIGHTS 

INCLUDING LETTERS AND DOCUMENTS ON VARIOUS 
EVENTS OF THE CAMPAIGN 



AUTHORITIES 

No. 1 

"WASHINGTON TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS 

Cambridge [Mass.], 13 March, 1776. 
Sir, 

In my letter of the 7th aud 9th instant, which I had 
the honor of addressing you, I mentioned the intelligence 
I had received respecting the embarkation of the [British] 
troops from Boston ; and fully expected before this, that 
the town would have been entirely evacuated. . . . 

Holding it of the last importance in the present contest 
that we should secure New York, and prevent the enemy 
from possessing it, and conjecturing they have views of 
that sort, and their embarkation be for that purpose, I 
judged it necessary, under the situation of things here, to 
call a council of general officers to consult on such meas- 
ures, as might be expedient to be taken at this interesting 
conjuncture of affairs. A copy of the proceedings I have 
the honor to enclose to you. Agreeably to the opinion of 
the council, I shall detach the rifle regiment to-morrow, 
under the command of Brigadier-General Sullivan, with 
orders to repair to New York with all possible expedition ; 
which will be succeeded the day after by the other five in 
one brigade, they being all that it was thought advisable 
to send from hence, till the enemy shall have quitted the 
town. Immediately upon their departure, I shall send 
forward Major-General Putnam, and follow myself with 
the remainder of the army, as soon as I have it in my 

125 



126 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

power, leaving here such a number of men as circum- 
stances may seem to require. . . . 

As New York is of such importance, prudence and 
policy require that every precaution that can be devised 
should be adopted to frustrate the designs which the 
enemy have of possessing it. To this end I have ordered 
vessels to be provided and held ready at Norwich for the 
embarkation and transportation of our troops thither. . . . 

[Sparks' Washington, Vol. HI., p. 311. Ford's Washington, Vol. III., 

p. 467.] 



No. 2 

WASHINGTON TO THE COMMANDING OFFICER AT NEW 

YORK 

Cambridge, 14 March, 1776. 
Sir, 

I have stronger reasons since I last wrote to you, to con- 
firm me in my opinion, that the army under General Howe 
is on its departure. All their movements pronounce it; 
but lest it be but a feint, I must continue on my guard, 
and not weaken my lines too much, until I have a certainty 
of their departure. It is given out that they are bound to 
Halifax ; but I am of opinion that New York is the place 
of their destination. It is the object worthy of their atten- 
tion, and it is the place that we must use every endeavor 
to keep from them. For should they get that town and 
the command of the North River, they can stop the inter- 
course between the northern and southern colonies, upon 
which depends the safety of America. My feelings upon 
this subject are so strong that I would not wish to give the 
enemy a chance of succeeding at your place. . . . 



AUTHORITIES 127 

The plan of defence formed by General Lee is, from 
what little I know of the place, a very judicious one. I 
hope, nay, I dare say, it is carrying into execution with 
spirit and industry. You may judge from the enemy's 
keeping so long possession of the town of Boston against 
an army superior in numbers, and animated with the noble 
spirit of liberty ; I say, you may judge by that, how much 
easier it is to keep an enemy from forming a lodgment in 
a place, than it will be to dispossess them, when they get 
themselves fortified. As I have in my last told you that 
the fate of this campaign, of course the fate of America, 
depends upon you and the ami}'- under your command, 
should the enemy attempt your quarter, I will dwell no 
more thereon, though the vast importance of the subject 
would make an apology for repetitions needless. 

[Sparks' Washington, Vol. III., p. 317, Ford's Washington, Vol. III., 

p. 473.] 



No. 3 

WASHINGTON TO THE PRESIDENT OP CONGRESS 

Headquarters, at Colonel Morris's House, 
16 September, 1776. 

On Saturday about sunset, six more of the enemy's ships, 
one or two of which were men-of-war, passed between Gov- 
ernor's Island and Red Hook, and went up the East River 
to the station taken by those mentioned in my last. In 
half an hour I received two expresses, one from Colonel 
Sargent at Horen's Hook, giving an account that the 
enemy, to the amount of three or four thousand, had 
marched to the river, and were embarked for Barn or 
Montresor's Island where numbers of them were then en- 



128 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

camped ; the other from General Mifflin, that uncommon 
and formidable movements were discovered among the 
enemy ; which being confirmed by the scouts I had sent 
out, I proceeded to Haerlem, where it was supposed, or at 
Morrisania opposite to it, the principal attempt to land 
would be made. However, nothing remarkable happened 
that night; but in the morning they began their opera- 
tions. Three ships of war came up the North River as 
high as Bloomingdale, which put a total stop to the re- 
moval by water, of any more of our provision ; and about 
eleven o'clock those in the East River began a most severe 
and heavy cannonade, to scour the grounds, and cover the 
landing of their troops between Turtle Bay and the city, 
where breastworks had been thrown up to oppose them. 

As soon as I heard the firing, I rode with all possible 
despatch towards the place of landing, when to my great 
surprise and mortification, I found the troops that had 
been posted in the lines retreating with the utmost pre- 
cipitation, and those ordered to support them (Parsons's 
and Fellows's brigades) flying in every direction, and in the 
greatest confusion, notwithstanding the exertions of their 
generals to form them. I used every means in my power 
to rally and get them into some order; but my attempts 
were fruitless and ineffectual ; and on the appearance of a 
small party of the enemy, not more than sixty or seventy, 
their disorder increased, and they ran away in the greatest 
confusion, without firing a single shot. 

Finding that no confidence was to be placed in these 
brigades, and apprehending that another party of the 
enemy might pass over to Haerlem Plains and cut off the 
retreat to this place, I sent orders to secure the heights in 
the best manner with the troops that were stationed on 
and near them ; which being done, the retreat was effected 



AUTHORITIES 129 

with but little or no loss of men, though of a considerable 
part of our baggage, occasioned by this disgraceful and 
dastardly conduct. Most of our heavy cannon, and part 
of our stores and provisions, which we were about remov- 
ing, were unavoidably left in the city, though every means, 
after it had been determined in council to evacuate the 
post, had been used to prevent it. We are now encamped 
with the main body of the army on the Heights of Haer- 
lem, where I should hope the enemy would meet with a 
defeat in case of an attack, if the generality of our troops 
would behave with tolerable bravery. But experience, to 
my extreme affliction, has convinced me that this is rather 
to be wished for than expected. However, I trust that 
there are many who will act like men, and show them- 
selves worthy of the blessings of freedom. I have sent 
some reconnoitring parties to gain intelligence, if possible, 
of the disposition of the enemy, and shall inform Congress 
of every material event by the earliest opportunity. 

[Sparks' Washington, Vol. IV., p. 93.] 



No. 4 

"WASHINGTON TO THE PRESIDENT OP CONGRESS 

Headquarters, at Colonel Roger Morris's House, 
18 September, 1776. 

As my letter of the 16th contained intelligence of an 
important nature, and such as might lead Congress to 
expect that the evacuation of New York and retreat to 
the Heights of Haerlem, in the manner they were made, 
would be succeeded by some other interesting event, I beg 
leave to inform them, that as yet nothing has been at- 



130 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

tempted upon a large and general plan of attack. About 
the time of the post's departure with my letter, the enemy- 
appeared in several large bodies upon the plains, about two 
and a half miles from hence. I rode down to our advanced 
posts, to put matters in a proper situation, if they should 
attempt to come on. When I arrived there I heard a 
firing, which, I was informed, was between a party of our 
Rangers under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Knowl- 
ton, and an advanced party of the enemy. Our men came 
in and told me, that the body of the enemy, who kept 
themselves concealed, consisted of about three hundred, as 
near as they could guess. I immediately ordered three 
companies of Colonel Weedon's regiment from Virginia, 
under the command of Major Leitch, and Colonel Knowl- 
ton with his Rangers, composed of volunteers from differ- 
ent New England regiments, to try to get in their rear, 
while a disposition was making as if to attack them in 
front, and thereby draw their whole attention that way. 

This took effect as I wished on the part of the enemy. 
On the appearance of our party in front, they immediately 
ran down the hill, and took possession of some fences and 
bushes, and a smart firing began, but at too great a dis- 
tance to do much execution on either side. The parties 
under Colonel Knowlton and Major Leitch unluckily 
began their attack too soon, as it was rather in flank 
than in rear. In a little time Major Leitch was brought 
off wounded, having received three balls through his 
side ; and, in a short time after, Colonel Knowlton got a 
wound, which proved mortal. Their men however per- 
severed, and continued the engagement with the greatest 
resolution. Finding that they wanted a support, I ad- 
vanced part of Colonel Grifiith's and Colonel Richard- 
son's Maryland regiments, with some detachments from 



AUTHORITIES 131 

the Eastern regiments who were nearest the place of 
action. These troops charged the enemy with great in- 
trepidity, and drove them from the wood into the plain, 
and were pushing them from thence, having silenced 
their fire in a great measure, when I judged it prudent 
to order a retreat, fearing the enemy, as I have since 
found was really the case, were sending a large body 
to support their party. 

Major Leitch I am in hopes will recover ; but Colonel 
Knowlton's fall is much to be regretted, as that of a 
brave and good officer. We had about forty wounded ; 
the number of slain is not yet ascertained ; but it is 
very inconsiderable. By a sergeant, who deserted from 
the enemy and came in this morning, I find that their 
party was greater than I imagined. It consisted of the 
second battalion of Light Infantry, a battalion of the 
Royal Highlanders, and three companies of Hessian Rifle- 
men, under the command of Brigadier-General Leslie. 
The deserter reports that their loss in wounded and 
missing was eighty-nine, and eight killed. In the latter, 
his account is too small, as our people discovered and 
buried double that number. This affair, I am in hopes, 
will be attended with many salutary consequences, as it 
seems to have greatly inspirited the whole of our troops. 
The sergeant further adds, that a considerable body of 
men are now encamped from the East to the North 
rivers, between the seven and eight mile-stones under 
the command of General Clinton. General Howe, he 
believes, has his quarters at Mr. Apthorp's house.^ 

P.S. — I should have wrote Congress by express before 
now, had I not expected the post every minute, which I 

^ In this we have seen that the sergeant was mistaken. Howe's 
quarters were at Beekman's. 



132 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

flatter myself will be a sufficient apology for my delay- 
ing it. 

The lata losses we have sustained in our baggage and 
camp necessaries, have added much to our distress, which 
was very great before. I must therefore take the liberty 
of requesting Congress to have forwarded, as soon as 
possible, such a supply of tents, blankets, kettles, and 
other articles as can be collected. We cannot be over- 
stocked. 

[Ford's Washington, Vol. III., p. 416.] 



No. 5 

WASHINGTON TO THE NEW YORK STATE CONVENTION 

Headquarters, at the Heights of Harlem, 
September 23, 1776. 
Sir, 

Your favour of the 21st instant, enclosing the resolu- 
tion of the Representatives of the State of New York, 
has come duly to hand, and will be properly attended to. 
I am exceedingly obliged by the readiness you declare 
you will pay to any commands which you may receive 
from me respecting the great cause in which we are 
engaged. 

The manoeuvres of the enemy, before their landing on 
Sunday last, were various and perplexing ; however, about 
eight o'clock in the morning, they became extremely plain 
and obvious. At that time they began their operations 
by sending three ships of war up the North River as high 
as Bloomingdale, which put a stop to the removal of our 
stores by water: and about eleven o'clock those in the 



AUTHORITIES 133 

East River began a constant and heavy cannonade for the 
purpose of scouring the grounds and covering the landing 
of their troops, where breastworks had been thrown up to 
oppose them. As soon as I heard the firing I immediately 
repaired to the place of landing, when, to my extreme as- 
tonishment, I discovered the troops, who were posted in 
the lines, retreating in the greatest disorder, and Parsons's 
and Fellows's brigades, who were directed to support 
them, retreating in the greatest confusion, and without 
making the slightest opposition, although only a small 
party of the enemy appeared in view. As I perceived 
no dependence could be reposed in these troops, and 
apprehending another impression might be made on the 
Harlem plains, by which means our retreat to this place 
might be cut off, I directed the heights to be secured, 
and our retreat was effected with little or no loss of 
men, though of a considerable part of the baggage, some 
of our heavy cannon and a part of our stores and pro- 
visions, which we were about removing, was unavoidably 
left in the city, though every means (after it had been 
determined in council to abandon the post) had been 
used to prevent it. 

On Monday morning last, several parties of the enemy 
appeared on the high grounds opposite to our heights, 
and some skirmishing had happened between our troops 
and those of the enemy. On reconnoitring their situa- 
tion, I formed the design of cutting off such of them as 
had or might advance to the extremity of the wood. I 
accordingly ordered three companies of Virginia riflemen, 
under the command of Major Leitch and Colonel Knowl- 
ton. [Description of the action about the same as in pre- 
vious letter.] 

[Force's American Archives, Fifth Series, Vol. IIL] 



134 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

No. 6 

ADJUTANT-GENERAL JOSEPH BEED TO HIS WIFE 

Heights near Kingsbridge, 

Sept. 17, 1776. 

I wrote you yesterday p' Post giving you an Account 
of our leaving New York. This had been determined on 
several Days ago — but the Removal of the Sick & many 
other Circumstances prevented its being done with that 
Expedition it ought to have been. Had the landing 
of the Enemy been delayed one Day longer we should 
have left them the City. But an unfortunate Idea took 
Place in the Mind of some of our Northern Generals that 
it might be defended or at least that some considerable 
Opposition might be made to the Landing — they under- 
took it — permitted the Enemy to land without even giv- 
ing one Fire, could never be form'd but were drove by one 
Tenth of their Numbers — However as I gave you a par- 
ticular Ace', yesterday I need not repeat it — Just after I 
had sealed my Letter & sent it away, an Ace', came that 
the Enemy were advancing upon us in three large Col- 
umns — we have so many false Reports that I desired the 
General to permit me to go & discover what Truth there 
was in the Ace'. I accordingly went down to our most 
advanced Guard & while I was talking with the Officer, 
the Enemy's advanced Guard fired upon us at a small 
Distance, our men behaved well stood & return'd the 
Fire till overpowered by numbers they were obliged to 
retreat — the Enemy advanced upon us very fast; I had 
not quitted a House 5 minutes before they were in Pos- 
session of it — Finding how things were going I went 
over to the General to get some support for the brave 



AUTHORITIES 135 

Fellows who had behaved so well — by the Time I got to 
him the Enemy appeared in open view & in the most 
insulting manner sounded their Bugle Horns as is usual 
-after a Fox Chase. I never felt such a sensation before, 
it seera'd to crown our Disgrace. The General was pre- 
vailed on to order over a Party to attack them & as I 
had been upon the Ground which no one else had it fell 
to me to conduct them — an unhappy Movement was 
made by a Reg', of ours which had been ordered to amuse 
them while those I was with expected to take them in the 
Rear — but being diverted by this the Virginia Regim'. 
with which I was went another course ; finding there was 
no stopping them I went with them the new Way — & in 
a few Minutes our brave Fellows mounted up the Rocks 
& attacked them ; then they ran in Turn — each Party 
sent in more Succours so that at last it became a very 
considerable Engagement & Men fell on every side — 
however our Troops still press'd on drove the Enemy 
above a Mile & a half till the General ordered them to give 
over the Pursuit fearing the whole of the Enemy's Army 
would advance upon them; they retreated in very good 
order & I assure you it has given another Face of Things 
in our Army — the Men have recovered their Spirits & 
feel a Confidence which before the}^ had quite lost — We 
have several Prisoners & have buried a considerable Num- 
ber of their dead — our own Loss is also considerable — 
the Virginia Major (Leech) who went up first with me 
was wounded with 3 Shott in less than 3 Minutes — but 
our greatest Loss was a brave Officer from Connecticut 
whose Name & Spirit ought to be immortalized, one Col 
Knowlton — I assisted him off & when gasping in the 
Agonies of Death all his Liquiry was if we had drove the 
Enemy. 



136 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

Be not alarm'd, my dear Creature when I tell you the 
Horse I rode received a Shot [just] behind his fore 
shoulder — it happened to be [one] taken from a Number 
on the Hill — Tho' [many fell] round me thank God I 
was not struck [by] a single Ball & I have the great 
Happiness [to know] that I have by getting the General 
to [direct a] Reinforcement to go over contributed in 
[some way] to the Benefit which may result from this 
[action]. When I speak of its Importance I do not mean 
that I think the Enemy have suffered a Loss which will 
affect their operations — but it has given Spirits to our 
Men that I hope they will now look the Enemy in the 
Face with Confidence — but alas our situation here must 
soon be a very distressing one if we do not receive much 
Relief in the Articles of stores, provision, Forage &^ The 
Demands of a large Army are very great & we are in a 
very doubtful Condition on this Head. 

[Reed Papers, N. Y. Historical Society.] 



No. 7 

ADJUTANT-GENERAL JOSEPH REED TO HIS WIFE 

New York, Sept. 22, 1776. 
I have just received yours of the 20"" by which I 
imagine one of mine wrote the Day after the Engagement 
of the 17"" had not got to Hand wherein I gave you the 
particulars which I was able to do better than almost any 
other Person as I happened to be in it when it began & 
assisted in calling off our Troops — when they had pur- 
sued the Enemy as far as was thought proper. It hardly 
deserves the Name of a Battle, but as it was a Scene so 



AUTHORITIES 137 

different from what had happened the Day before it 
elevated our Troops very much & in that Respect has 
been of great Service. It would take up too much Time 
& Paper to go into a minute Description of the whole 
Affair. The Substance is, that we had a Party out under 
a very brave Connecticut officer Knowlton (who fell) 
watching the Motions of the Enemy — an Ace' was 
brought up that the Enemy was advancing upon us in 
3 Columns — but as we had so often been deceived by 
these Reports — I went out to see what Truth there was 
in it — & fell in with the above Party — while I was talk- 
ing with the Officer the Enemy advanced & the Firing 
began at about 50 Yards Distance; as they were 10 to 1 
ag' our Party we immediately retreated — I came off to 
the General & after some little Hesitation prevailed on 
him to let a Party go up — which as I had been on the 
Ground I led myself they were Virginia Troops com- 
manded by a brave Officer Major Leech — I accordingly 
went with them but was unhappily thwarted in my Scheme 
by some Persons calling to the Troops & taking them out 
of the Road I intended — however we went up both Men 
& Officers with great spirit — at the same Time some of 
our Troops on another Quarter moved up towards the 
Enemy & the Action began — Major Leech fell near me 
in a few Minutes with 3 Balls through him but is likely 
to do well. Knowlton also fell mortally wounded I 
mounted him on my Horse & brought him off — In about 
10 [minutes] our People pressing on with great Ardour 
the Enemy gave Way & left us the Ground which was 
strew'd pretty thick with dead chiefly of the Enemy 
tho it since turns out that our Loss is also considerable — 
The pursuit of a flying Enemy was so new a Scene that 
it was with Difficulty our Men could be brought to retreat 



138 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

— which they did in very good Order — we buried the 
Dead & brought off the wounded on both sides as far as 
our troops had pursued. We have since learned that the 
main Body of the Enemy was hastily advancing so that 
in all Probability there would have been a Reverse of 
Things if the Pursuit had not been given over as it was 

— You can hardly conceive the Change it made in our 
Army — I hope its Effects will be lasting — You will proba- 
bly hear from other Quarters the double Escape I had 

— My own Horse not being at Hand I borrowed one 
from a young Philadelphian — he received a Shot just 
behind his fore Shoulder which narrowly missed my Leg. 
I am told that he is since dead — But the greatest was 
from one of our own Rascals who was running away, 
upon my driving him back a second Time he presented 
his Piece & snapp'd at me at about a Rod Distance — I 
seized a Piece from another Soldier & snapp'd at him — 
but he had the same good Luck. He has been since 
tried & is now under Sentence of Death — but I believe I 
must beg him off as after I found I could not get the 
Gun off, I wounded him in the Head & cut off his thumb 
with my Hanger — I suppose many Persons will think it 
was rash & imprudent for Officers of our Rank to go into 
such an action (Gen' Puttnam, Gen. Green, many of the 
General's family — M' Tilghman &' were in it) but it 
was really done to animate the Troops who were quite 
dispirited & would not go into Danger unless their officers 
led the Way. 

Our Situation is very much the same as it was — we 
are fortifying Ground naturally strong. The Enemy lay 
about 3 Miles from us — they have been very busy bring- 
ing over Cannon, &" from Long Island but we cannot 
learn what they intend. 



AUTHORITIES 139 

The Night before last there was a most dreadful Fire 
in the City but how it happened we are quite at a Loss — 
There was a Resolve of Congress against our injuring it, 
so that we neither set it on Fire or made any Prepara- 
tions for the Purpose — Tho I make no Doubt it will be 
charged to us. 

[Reed Papers, N. Y. Historical Society.] 



No. 8 

GENERAL GEORGE CLINTON TO NEW YORK CONVENTION 

Kings Bridge, September 18, 1776. 

Since my last, many matters of Importance to the Pub- 
lic, and more particularly to this State, have taken place ; 
But I have been so Situated as neither to find Leisure or 
Opportunity of communicating them to Congress. I re- 
turned late last Night from the Command of the Picquet 
or Advanced Party, in the Front of our Lines, and was 
just setting down to write to the Convention, and in- 
tended sending an Express, when I was favored with 
yours of Yesterday. 

About the middle of last Week it was determined, for 
many Reasons, to evacuate the City of New York ; and 
accordingly Orders were given for removing the Ordnance, 
Military, & other Stores from thence, which, by Sunday 
morning was nearly effected. On Saturday, four of the 
Enemy's large Ships passed by the City up the North 
River, and anchored near Greenage, and about as many 
more up the East River, which anchored in Turtle Bay ; 
and from the Movements of the Enemy on Long Island 
and the small Islands in the East River, we had great 



140 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

reason to apprehend they intended to make a Landing, 
and attack our Lines somewhere near the City. Our 
Army for some Days had been moving upwards this way, 
and encamping on the Heights, south-west of Co". Morris's, 
where we intended to form Lines, and make our grand 
Stand. On Sunday morning the Enemy landed a very 
considerable Body of Troops, principally consisting of 
their Light Infantry & Grenadiers, near Turtle Bay, 
under Cover of a very heavy Cannonade from their Ship- 
ping, our Lines were but thinly manned as they were then 
intended only to secure a Retreat to the Rear of our 
Army, & unfortunately by such Troops as were so little 
disposed to stand in the way of Grape Shot that the main 
Body of them almost instantly retreated, nay, fled without 
a possibility of rallying them, tho' General Washington 
himself (who rid to the spot on hearing the Cannonade) 
with some other General Ofiicers, exerted themselves to 
effect it. 

The Enemy, on Landing, immediately formed a Line 
across the Island, most of our People were luckily North 
of it, and joined the Army. Those few that were in the 
City crossed the River, chiefly to Powles-Hook, so that 
our loss in Men, Artillery, or Stores, is very inconsider- 
able. I don't believe it exceeds 100 Men, and I fancy 
most of them, from their Conduct, staid out of Choice. 
Before Evening, the Enemy landed the main Body of 
their Army, took Possession of the City, & marched up 
the Island, & encamped on the Heights extending from 
McGown's and the Black Horse to the North River. 

On Monday morning, about ten o'Clock, a party of the 
Enemy, consisting of Highlanders, Hessians, the Light 
Infantry, Grenadiers, and English Troops (Number un- 
certain) attack'd our advanc'd Party, commanded by 



AUTHORITIES 141 

Co". Knowlton at Martje Davits Fly. They were op- 
posed with spirit, and soon made to retreat to a clear 
Field, south-west of that about 200 paces, where they 
lodged themselves behind a Fence covered with Bushes 
our People attacked them in Turn, and caused them to 
retreat a second Time, leaving five dead on the Spot, we 
pursued them to a Buckwheat Field on the Top of a 
high Hill, distance about four hundred paces, where they 
received a considerable Reinforcement, with several Field 
Pieces, and there made a Stand ; a very brisk Action en- 
sued at this Place, which continued about Two Hours our 
People at length worsted them a third Time, caused them 
to fall back into an Orchard, from thence across a Hollow, 
and up another Hill not far distant from their own Lines — 
A large Column of the Enemy's Army being at this Time 
discovered to be in motion, and the Ground we then oc- 
cupied being rather disadvantageous a Retreat likewise, 
without bringing on a general Action, (which we did not 
think prudent to risk,) rather insecure, our party was 
therefore ordered in, and the Enemy was well contented 
to hold the last Ground we drove them to. 

We lost, on this occasion, Co". Knowlton a brave Officer 
& sixteen Privates, kill'd. Major Leech, from Virginia, 
and about Eight or ten subaltern Officers and Privates 
wounded. The Loss of the Enemy is uncertain. They 
carried their Dead and wounded off, in and soon after the 
Action ; but we have good Evidence of their having up- 
wards of 60 kill'd, & violent presumption of 100. The 
Action, in the whole, lasted ab' 4 Hours. 

I consider our Success in this small affair, at this Time, 
almost equal to a Victory. It has animated our Troops, 
gave them new Spirits, and erazed every bad Impression, 
the Retreat from Long Island, &c. had left on their 



142 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

minds, they find they are able, with inferior Numbers, 
to drive their Enemy, and think of nothing now but 
Conquest. 

Since the above affair, nothing material has happened; 
the Enemy keep close to their Lines. Our advanc'd Parties 
continue at their former Station. We are daily throwing 
up Works to prevent the Enemy advancing ; great atten- 
tion is paid to Fort Washington, the Posts opposite to it 
on the Jersey Sliore, & the Obstructions in the River 
which, I have reason to believe, is already effectual, so as 
to prevent their Shipping passing ; however, it is intended 
still to add to them, as it is of the utmost consequence to 
keep the Enemy below us. 

[Miscellaneous MSS., N. Y. Historical Society.] 



No. 9 

GENERAL GEORGE CLINTON TO DR. PETER TAPPEN 

King's Bridge 21st. Sept. 1776. 

I have been so hurried & Fatigued out of the ordinary 
way of my Duty by the removal of our Army from New 
York & great Part of the public stores to this Place that 
it has almost worn me out tho' as to Health I am well as 
usual: but how my Constitution has been able to stand 
lying out several Nights in the Open Air & exposed to 
Rain is almost a Miracle to me — Whom at Home the 
least Wet indeed some Times the Change of Weather 
almost laid me up. 

The Evacuation of the City I suppose has much alarmed 
the Country. It was judged untenable in Council of 
Gen' Officers considering the Enemy possessed of Long- 



AUTHORITIES 143 

Island &c., and was therefore advised to be evacuated. 
The Artillery (at least all worth moving) &, almost all 
the public stores were removed out of it so that when the 
Enemy landed & attacked our Lines near the City we had 
but few Men there (those indeed did not behave well) 
our Loss however by our Retreat from there either in Men 
or Stores is very inconsiderable. I would not be under- 
stood that it is my Opinion to evacuate the City neither 
do I mean now to condemn the Measure it is done in- 
tended for the best I am certain. 

The same Day the Enemy possessed themselves of the 
City, to wit, last Sunday they landed the Main Body of 
their Army & encamped on York Island across about the 
Eight Mile Stone & between that & the four Mile Stone. 
Our Army at least one Division of it lay at CoP Morris's 
& so southward to near the Hollow Way which runs 
across from Harlem Flat to the North River at Matje 
Davit's Fly. About halfway between which two Places 
our Lines run across the River which indeed at that Time 
were only began but are now in a very defensible state. 
On Monday Morning the Enemy attacked our Advanced 
Party Commanded by Col" Knowlton (a brave Officer 
who was killed in the Action) near the Point of Matje 
Davit's Fly the Fire was very brisk on both sides our 
People however soon drove them back into a Clear Field 
about 200 Paces South East [west] of that where they 
lodged themselves behind a Fence covered with Bushes 
our People pursued them but being oblidged to stand ex- 
posed in the open Field or take a Fence at a Considerable 
Distance they preferred the Latter it was indeed advise- 
able for we soon brought a Couple of Field Pieces to bear 
upon them which fairly put them to flight with two Dis- 
charges only the Second Time our People pursued them 



144 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

closely to the Top of a Hill about 400 paces distant where 
they received a very Considerable Reinforcement & made 
their Second Stand Our People also had received a Con- 
siderable Reinforcement, and at this Place a very brisk 
Action commenced which continued for near two Hours 
in which Time we drove the Enemy into a Neighbouring 
orchard from that across a Hollow & up another Hill not 
far Distant from their own Encampment, here we found 
the Ground rather Disadvantageous & a Retreat insecure 
we therefore thot proper not to pursue them any farther & 
retired to our first Ground leaving the Enemy on the last 
Ground we drove them to — that Night I commanded the 
Right Wing of our advanced Party or Picket on the 
Ground the Action first began of which Col° Pawling 
& Col" Nicoll's Regiment were part and next Day I sent 
a Party to bury our Dead. They found but 17. The 
Enemy removed theirs in the Night we found above 60 
Places where dead Men had lay from Pudles of Blood & 
other appearances & at other Places fragments of Band- 
ages & Lint. From the best Account our Loss killed & 
wounded is not much less than seventy seventeen of which 
only dead (this account of our Loss exceeds what I men- 
tioned in a Letter I wrote Home indeed at that Time I 
only had an account of the Dead — the Wounded were 
removed — 12 oclock M. Sunday two Deserters from on 
Board the Bruno Man of War lying at Morrisania say the 
Enemy had 300 killed on Monday last,) the Rest most 
likely do well & theirs is somewhere about 300 — upwards 
it is generally believed — Tho I was in the latter Part 
indeed almost the whole of the Action I did not think so 
many Men were engaged. It is without Doubt however 
they had out on the Occasion between 4 and 5000 of their 
choicest Troops & expected to have drove us off the Island. 



AUTHORITIES 145 

They are greatly mortified at their Disappointment & have 
ever since been exceedingly modest & quiet not having 
even patroling Parties beyond their Lines — I lay within 
a Mile of them the Night after the battle & never heard 
Men work harder I believe they thought we intended to 
pursue our Advantage & Attack them next Morning. 

If I onl}' had a Pair of Pistols I coud I think have shot a 
Rascal or two I am sure I would at least have shot a puppy 
of an Officer I found slinking off in the heat of the Action. 

["N. Y, City during the American Revolution," published by the N. Y. 
Mercantile Library Association.] 



No. 10 

GENERAL GREENE TO NICHOLAS COOKE, GOVERNOR OF 
RHODE ISLAND 

Camp at Harlem Heights, 
September 17, 1776. 

I suppose you have heard of the retreat from Long- 
Island and the evacuation of New York. The retreats 
were both judicious and necessary, our numbers being 
very insufificient to hold such an extent of ground. His 
Excellency had proposed to evacuate the city and suburbs 
of New York some time before the enemy made their last 
landing, and had the Quartermaster-General been able to 
furnish the necessary wagons to remove the stores and 
baggage, the retreat would have been effected in good 
order, had the enemy delayed their landing twenty-four 
hours longer. Almost all the old standing regiments was 
drawn out of the city, in order to oppose the enemy at 
Hell-Gate, where they made an appearance of a very large 
body of troops, and movements as if they intended a landing. 



146 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

We made a miserable, disorderly retreat from New 
York, owing to the disorderly conduct of the Militia, who 
ran at the appearance of the enemy's advance guard ; this 
was General Fellows's brigade. They struck a panick 
into the troops in the rear, and Fellows's and Parsons's 
whole brigade ran away from about fifty men, and left 
his Excellency on the ground within eighty yards of the 
enemy, so vexed at the infamous conduct of the troops, 
that he sought death rather than life. 

The retreat was on the 14th of this instant, from New 
York ; most of the troops got off, but we lost a prodigious 
deal of baggage and stores. On the 16th we had a 
skirmish at Harlem Heights : a party of about a thousand 
came and attacked our advance post. They met with a 
very different kind of reception from what they did the 
day before. The fire continued about an hour, and the 
enemy retreated ; our people pursued them, and by 
the spirited conduct of General Putnam and Colonel 
Reed, the Adjutant General, our people advanced upon 
the plain ground without cover, and attacked them and 
drove them back. His Excellency sent and ordered a 
timely retreat to our advanced post, for he discovered 
or concluded the enemy would send a large reinforce- 
ment, as their main body lay near by. I was sick when 
the army retreated from Long Island, which by the by, was 
the best effected retreat I ever read or heard of, consider- 
ing the difficulty of the retreat. The Army now remains 
quiet, but expect an attack every day. Col. Varnum's 
and Col. Hitchcock's regiments were in the last action, 
and behaved nobly, but neither of the Colonels was with 
them, both being absent — one sick, the other taking care 
of the sick. 

[Force's American Archives, Fifth Series, Vol. IIL] 



AUTHORITIES 147 

No. 11 
MAJOR LEWIS MORRIS, JR., TO HIS FATHER 

Headquarters, Septb', 18"> 1776. 
Monday morning an advanced party, Colonel Knowl- 
ton's regiment, was attacked by the enemy upon a height 
a little to the southwest of Days's Tavern, and after op- 
posing them bravely and being overpowered by their 
numbers they were forced to retreat, and the enemy 
advanced upon the top of the hill opposite to that which 
lies before Dayes's door, with a confidence of Success, and 
after rallying their men by a bugle horn and resting them- 
selves a little while, they descended the hill with an in- 
tention to force our flanking party, which extended from 
the North river to the before mentioned hill, but they 
received so warm a fusillade from that flank and a party 
that went up the hill to flank them and cut off their retreat, 
that they were forced to give way. Their loss is something 
considerable, ours, about forty wounded and twelve killed. 
The impression it made upon the minds of our people is a 
most signal victory to us, and the defeat a considerable 
mortification to them. 
[From the original in possession of Harry M. Morris. Jay Pamphlet.] 



No. 12 

CAPTAIN SAMUEL SHAW, KNOX's AMERICAN ARTILLERY, 
TO HIS FATHER 

Fort Washington, Sept. 18'^ 1776. 
Ever since our retreat from Long Island, another 
from New York was looked upon as inevitable. This 



148 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

event we were hourly expecting and providing for. 
Accordingly, far the greater part of our army, with near 
the whole of our military stores, were removed ; and, had 
we been favored with one day more, we should have made 
a very good retreat. I came very near being taken in 
making my escape. It was thus. A heavy firing being 
heard from the ships that had the evening before gone up 
the East River, it was supposed by us, who remained in 
the city, that the enemy were landing above. Colonel 
Knox, myself, and several others rode up to see how 
affairs went; when we came up and found they had 
landed, the colonel sent me back into the city with 
orders for the companies [of artillery] to march up to 
oppose them. On my return I found the enemy had beat 
back that part of our army that were to cover the retreat 
of those from the city, and were in quiet possession of 
the ground. Our companies having no infantry to sup- 
port them, returned, and made their retreat under cover 
of some woods on the other side of the town. In getting 
away, I was several times discovered and pursued by the 
enemy, but, having a good horse, effected ray escape. 
All my linen, my stockings, surtout, blanket, in short, 
everything but what I had on, except a few articles 
which I left in this place when last here, are lost ; the 
wagon in which they were sent out in the morning hav- 
ing been taken by the enemy. . . . 

We are now in a much more proper place for carrying 
on the war than when in New York, as the enemy's ships 
can now be of no service to them in attacking. The day 
before yesterday we had a proof of this, when a part of 
them attempted to force a passage through some woods, 
and to take possession of a number of heights, but were 
repulsed with loss by an equal if not inferior body of our 



AUTHORITIES 149 

troops, who behaved with as much bravery as men possi- 
bly could. I hope, by the blessing of Heaven, affairs will 
be in such a posture this way, in a few days, as to bid 
defiance to their future attempts. Now or never, is the 
time to make a stand, and, rather than quit our post, 
be sacrificed to a man. For my own part, it is but little 
I can do, but so long as the war lasts, I devote myself 

to it. 

Oct. n*\ 1776. 

The army still remains in tents. It will be late in the 
season before we get into huts or barracks. After our 
retreat from the city our troops had a skirmish with the 
enemy, and repulsed them. Though in itself it was a 
small affair, the consequences were great, as the check 
they received will probably be a means of keeping off an 
attack till the spring. 

[Journals of Major Samuel Shaw, p. 19,] 



No. 13 

COLONEL GOLD S. SILLLMAN TO HIS WIPE 

Harlem Heights, 

17 Sept. 1776. 2 o'cl p.m. 

Yesterday at 7 o'clock in the morning we were alarmed 
with the sight of a considerable number of the enemy on 
the Plains below us about a mile distant. — Our Brigades 
which form a line across the Island where I am were 
immediately ordered under arms — but as the enemy did 
not immediately advance we grounded our arms & took 
spades & shovels & went to work & before night had 
thrown up lines across the Island — There was nothing 
before but three little redoubts in about a mile & we are 



150 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

at work this day in strengthening them. But yesterday a 
little before noon we heard a strong firing about half a 
mile below us in the woods near where we had two 
Brigades lying as an advanced guard. The enemy in a 
large body advanced in the woods a little before 12 o'cl & 
began a heavy fire on those two Brigades who maintained 
the fire obstinately for some time & then they were rein- 
forced by several regiments & the fire continued very 
heavy from the musketry & from field pieces about two 
hours — in which time our people drove the regulars back 
from post to post about a mile & a half & then left them 
pretty well satisfied with their dinner since which they 
have been very quiet. Our loss on this occasion by the 
best information is about 25 killed & 40 or 50 wounded. 
The enemy by the best accounts have suffered much more 
than we. 

A prisoner we have I am told says that Genl. Howe 
himself commanded the regular & Genl. Washington & 
Genl. Putnam were both with our Troops. They have 
found now that when we meet them on equal ground we 
are not a set of people that will run from them — but that 
they have now had a pretty good drubbing, tho' this was 
an action between but a small part of the army. 

[L. I. Historical Society Series, Vol. IIL, Part II., p. 55.] 



No. 14 
GENERAL KNOX TO HIS BROTHER WILLIAM KNOX 

Heights of Harlem, 8 Miles from N. York, 
Sept. 23, 1776. 

The affair of last Monday has had some good conse- 
quences toward raising the peoples spirits — they find that 



AUTHORITIES 151 

if they stick to these mighty men they will run as fast as 
other people. Our people pursued them nearly two miles 
— about 1,500 of our people engaged of the enemy about 
the same number viz., the 2d. Battalion light infantry, 
the Highlands or 42d. 6th Battalion of Grenadiers and 
some Hessians. The grounds which we now possess are 
strong. I think we shall defend them — if we dont I 
hope God will punish us both in this World and the 
World to come if the fault is ours. 

[Knox Papers, N. Y. Historic Genealogical Society.] 



No. 15 

MAJOR NICHOLAS FISH TO JOHN M'^KESSON, SECRETARY 
NEW YORK CONVENTION 

KiNGSBRiDGE, 19"i Sept' 1776. 

Our Retreat from the City, you no Doubt must have 
heard of er'e this. This Phoenomenon took Place on 
Sunday Morn= last when our Brigade, who were the last 
in the City excepting the Guards, marched to the lines 
back of Stuyvesants, where from the Movements of the 
Enemy it was evident was the determination for landing. 
— The Enemy's Ships of War being drawn up in line of 
Battle parallel to the shore the Troops to the amount of 
about 4,000 being embarked in flat bottom Boats, and the 
Boats paraded — A Cannonade from the Ships began, 
which far exceeded my Ideas, and which seemed to infuse 
a Panic thro' the whole of our Troops, especially the Con- 
necticut Troops who unfortunately were posted upon the 
left, where the Enemy landed without the least opposition ; 
for upon their near approach to the Shore these dastardly 



152 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

sons of Cowardice deserted their Lines & fled in the great- 
est Disorder & precipitature & I know not but I may 
venture to say Infected those upon the Right, who speed- 
ily copied their vile conduct & then pursued them in their 
flight. I am sorry to say that the Panic seized as well 
Ofiicers (& those of distinction) as Men, in so much that 
it magnified the Number of the Enemy to thrice the 
Reality & generated substances from their own shadows, 
which greatly assisted them in their flight to the Heights 
above Harlem. 

We are now in possession of the ground from the 
Heights of Harlem to the Heights of West Chester, our 
advance Guard is posted a Mile from our Lines ; here it 
was that our brave and heroic Marylanders, Virginians, 
&c. made a Noble & resolute stand against the Efforts of 
the Enemy on Monday the 16th drove them back, pur- 
sued, and forced them to retire — The Conduct of our 
Troops on this occasion was so counter to that of some 
others the preceding Day as nearly to form a Counter- 
prise. 

Our troops were in a most desponding Condition before, 
but now are in good spirits. 

P.S. In the action of the 16th we lost about 17 killed 
and I believe as many wounded. It is remarkable that 
all our killed were shot thro' the Head which induces the 
belief that they were first taken Prisoners & then massa- 
cred. — The Number of the Enemy killed and wounded 
is not yet known, but it is generally thought, they far 
exceed us. 

[Historical Magazine, Second Series, IH. , 33.] 



AUTHORITIES 153 



No. 16 



CAPTAIN JOHN GOOCH TO THOMAS FAYERWEATHER, 
AT BOSTON 

New Jersey. Fort Constitution 
Sept. 23, 1776. 

I know you must be anxious for the certainty of events 
of which you can have at that distance but a confused 
account, as I was on the spot will endeavor to give you 
as Concise & Just account as possible ; on the 15th Inst 
we evacuated New York & took all stores of every kind 
out of the City, and took Possession of the hights of 
Haerlem eight miles from the City, the Enemy encamp'd 
about two miles from us; on the 16th the Enemy ad- 
vanced and took Possession of a hight on our Right 
Flank ab' half a mile Distance with about 3000 men, a 
Party from our Brigade of 150 men who turned out as 
Volunteers under the command of Lieut. Col° Crary of 
the Regm' I belong to were ordered out if possible to dis- 
possess them, in about 20 minutes the Engagement began 
with as terrible a fire as ever I heard, when Orders came 
for the whole Brigade immediately to march to support 
the first detachment, the Brigade Consisted of ab' 900 
men, we immediately formed in front of the Enemy and 
march'd up in good order through their fire, which was 
incessant till within 70 yards, when we Engaged them in 
that situation, we engaged them for one hour and eight 
minits, when the Enemy Broke & Ran, we pursued them 
to the next hights, when we were ordered to Retreat. 
Our loss does not exceed in killed and wounded twenty 
five men, the loss of the Enemy was very considerable 
but cannot be ascertained, as we observed them to carry 



154 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

of their dead and wounded the whole time of the Engage- 
ment, they left a Number of killed and wounded on the 
Field of Battle & a great number of small Arraes, the 
great Superiority of Numbers and every other advantage 
the Enemy had, when considered, makes the Victory 
Glorious, and tho' but over a part of their Army yet 
the Consequences of it are attended with advantages 
very great, as they immediately quited the hights all 
round us and have not been troublesome since, our people 
behaved with the greatest Spirit, and the New England 
men have gained the first Lawrells. I received a slight 
wound in the Anckle at the first of the Enoraorement but 
never quited the Field during the Engagement. I'm now 
Ready to give them the second part whenever they have 
an appetite, as I'm convinced whenever [they] stir from 
their Ships we shall drubb them. 

[N. E. Historical and Genealogical Register, XXX., 334.] 



No. 17 

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM AN OFFICER IN OUR ARIMY 
TO HIS FRIEND IN THIS TOWN [NEW LONDON, CONN.] 
DATED NEW HARLEM, SEPT. 21, 1776.1 

Last Monday the Enem}^ landed at New York, under 
Cover of their Shipping, when our whole Army retreated 
to this Place. As for myself I was out on a scouting 
Party as far as Hunt's Point — and on hearing the Cannon 
I immediately returned to the Regiment of Rangers, but 
too late to go into the City — Well, on Monday Morning 

^ The officer was probably Captain Stephen Brown, of Durkee's 
Conn. Regt., serving with the Rangers. 



AUTHORITIES 155 

the General ordered us to go and take the Enemy's ad- 
vanced Guard; accordingly we set out just before Day, 
and found where they were ; at Day-brake we were dis- 
covered by the Enemy, who were 400 strong, and we were 
120 — they march'd up within six Rods of us, and there 
form'd to give us Battle which we were ready for; and 
Colonel Knowlton gave Orders to fire, which we did, and 
stood theirs till we perceived they were getting their 
Flank-Guards round us. After giving them eight Rounds 
a Piece the Colonel gave Orders for Retreating, which we 
performed very well, without the Loss of a Man while 
Retreating, though we lost about 10 while in Action. 
We retreated two Miles and a Half and then made a 
Stand, and sent off for a Reinforcement, which we soon 
received, and drove the Dogs near three Miles. — My 
poor Colonel, in the second Attack, was shot just by my 
Side, the Ball entered the small of his Back — I took 
hold of him, asked him if he was badly wounded? he 
told me he was ; but, says he, I do not value my Life if 
we do but get the Day : I then ordered two Men to carry 
him off. He desired me by all Means to keep up this 
Flank. He seemed as unconcern'd and calm as tho' 
nothing had happened to him. In the Spot where the 
Colonel was wounded, at least within 4 Rods round him, 
lay 15 or 16 of the Enemy dead, with 5 or 6 of our 
People. Several Deserters say we made great Havock 
among them. The next Day we went to bury our Dead, 
and found near a Dozen with their Heads split open by 
the Hessians. 

[Connecticut Gazette, Sept. 27, 1776.] 



156 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

No. 18 

EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO A GENTLEMAN IN ANNAPOLIS, 
DATED HEADQUARTERS, SEPT. 17, 1776. 

We are now encamped between York and King's Bridge, 
on very advantageous heights, and have formed our lines 
from the North River to a Creek that makes out of the 
East River, running up to King's Bridge. 

Soon after we came to New York, there was a council 
held by the General Officers, and the question was put, 
whether New York was tenable against the King's forces. 
It was carried in the negative. 

Three days ago the whole of our troops evacuated New 
York ; and the day before yesterday the Kings troops 
landed about three miles below this, where there were two 
brigades stationed, who abandoned their posts with precipi- 
tation. 

Yesterday morning the Regulars came within half a mile 
of our lines, and made a stand. A few of our scouts, who 
were out, attacked and drove them off. In two hours after, 
two thousand of them returned. Gen. Beall sent out three 
companies of Riflemen, under the command of Major 
Mantz, who attacked them. Immediately Gen. Washing- 
ton reinforced with the remainder of our brigade, together 
with Gen. Weedon's regiment from Virginia, Major Price's 
three independent companies, and one regiment of Rhode 
Islanders. Never did troops go to the field with more 
cheerfulness and alacrity ; when there began a heavy fire 
on both sides. It continued about one hour, when our 
brave Southern troops dislodged them from their posts. 
The enemy rallied, and our men beat them the second 
time. They rallied again; our troops drove them the 



AUTHORITIES 157 

third time, and were rushing on them, but the enemy had 
got on an eminence, and our troops were ordered to retreat, 
the General considering there might be a large number of 
the enemy behind the hill concealed ; which was the case. 
We were informed by a prisoner that our men took, there 
were about eight or ten thousand concealed. 

From the number of the enemy that I saw lay on the 
field dead and wounded, I think their loss must be three 
or four times ours. I have not yet been able to get a full 
account of our loss, only of our brigade, which is as fol- 
lows : Capt. Low wounded through both his thighs. 
Twelve privates wounded, and three missing. Major 
Leitch, of Col. Weedon's regiment received three balls 
through his belly. More is the pity, for never was a 
braver hero. He stood the field, with the greatest bravery, 
till the third shot, when he was obliged to fall. He ap- 
pears to be in good spirits. The Doctors are of opinion 
that he will recover. Col. Knowlton from Boston, killed 
in the field who distinguished himself at Bunker's Hill, 
as well as in this engagement. He will be interred to-day 
with all the honours of war. 

From our present situation, it is firmly my opinion we 
shall give them a genteel drubbing, in case the Yankees 
will fight with as much spirit as the Southern troops. As 
near as I can collect, our loss, killed, and wounded, and 
taken, amounts to fifty men. We expect every hour that 
the general engagement will come on ; and if we prove 
successful, the campaign will be settled for this present 
year. Gen. Washington gave great applause to our 
Maryland troops, for their gallant behaviour yesterday. 

[Force's American Archives, Fifth Series, Vol. III.] 



158 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

No. 19 

COLONEL SMALLWOOD TO THE CONVENTION OF MARYLAND 

Camp of the Maryland Regulars, 
Head-Quarters, Oct. 12, 1776. 

General Washington [Sept. 15] expressly sent and drew 
our regiment from its brigade, to march down towards 
New York, to cover the retreat, and to defend the baggage, 
with direction to take possession of an advantageous emi- 
nence near the enemy, upon the main road, where we re- 
mained under arms the best part of the day, till Sargent's 
brigade came in with their baggage, who were the last 
troops coming in, upon which the enemy divided their 
main body into two columns, one filing off on the North 
River, endeavoured to flank and surround us ; we had 
orders to retreat in good order, which was done, our corps 
getting within the lines a little after dusk. 

The next day, about 1000 of them made an attempt 

upon our lines, and were first attacked by the brave Col. 

Knowlton of New England, who lost his life in the 

action, and the Third Virginia Regiment, who were 

immediately joined by three independent companies under 

Major Price, and some part of the Maryland Flying Camp, 

who drove them back to their lines, it is supposed with 

the loss of 400 men killed and wounded ; our party had 

about 100 killed and wounded, of the former only 15. 

Since which we have been viewing each other at a distance, 

and strongly entrenching till the 9th of October, when three 

of their men-of-war passed up the North river above King's 

Bridge, under a heavy cannonade from our batteries, which 

has effectually cut off our communication, by water, with 

Albany. 

[Ridgeley's Annals of Annapolis, p. 261.] 



AUTHORITIES 159 

No. 20 

CAPT. BEATTr OF THE MARYLAND FLYING CAMP, TO HIS 
FATHER COL. "WILLIAM BEATTY, FREDRICKTOWN 

Camp near Kings Bridge, Sept.' 18''» 1776. 

I have something worth telling you of what happened 
this week. Last Sunday the Enemy landed about 3 miles 
below us, and at the sight of 150 of them one brigade 
& a half of New England troops ran away in the most 
precipitated manner & chief of them lost their baggage ; 
if they had stood their ground they might have cut them 
off. But by their landing they surrounded many of our 
troops in York which had no time to get out But they 
have a strong fort near New York where they are & have 
3 months provision & ammunition a plenty, & the com- 
mander declares that he will not surrender while he has 
either. On Monday last the enemy thought to drive our 
troops farther, sallyed out & were attact by Major 
Mantz with the 3 rifle companys of our battalion under 
his command and Major Price with 3 of the independent 
companys of Maryland troops & 3 other companys of 
Maryland Flying Camp & a battalion of Virginians & 
some Northern troops the attack was very sharp on both 
sides for one hour & a half & then the enemy re- 
treated one mile & a half to their lines — In all the 
action we lost but about 20 men killed & about as many 
wounded — among the dead is one Colonel of the North- 
ern troops. The men all behaved with much bravery. 
In Capt Goods company there was but two men wounded, 
Capt Reynolds one, Capt Grooh two, one of which is the 
blind Cuppers son in Fredktown. The other learnt the 
hatters trade with Major Price, his wound is in the 



160 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

breast, the other on the back of his arm above the joint 
of his wrist & so down to his fingers, the bone is not 
broke Our Company lay out from our tents from Sun- 
day morning till Tuesday night 

[Historical Magazine, Second Series, I., 147.] 



No. 21 

SAMUEL CHASE TO GEN. GATES 

Philadelphia, September 21, 1776. 

On this Day Week the Enemy landed a Body of forces 
at Turtle Bay (after a severe Cannonade from their Ships 
in the East River to scour the Country and cover their 
Landing) our Troops posted in Lines thrown up to oppose 
their Landing abandoned them at the first appearance of 
the Enemy, in the utmost precipitation and Confusion : 
Two Brigades, commanded by Generals Parsons and 
Fellows, were ordered to support them, they also fled in 
every Direction, without firing a single Shot, notwithstand- 
ing the Exertions of their Generals to form them, and 
oh, disgraceful, on the appearance of only about sixty or 
seventy of the Enemy ! by this infamous Conduct We 
lost a great part of our Baggage and most of our heavy 
Cannon which had been left at N York — our army re- 
treated, and possessed themselves of the Heights of Har- 
lem ; our Headquarters at Roger Morris's house. On 
Monday last the Enemy appeared in the plains, 2|- Miles 
from the Heights, about 400 under General Leslie A 
Skirmish began between them and a Party of Volunteers 
from several New England regiments commanded by Col° 
Knolton. our People were supported by Companies from a 



AUTHORITIES 161 

Virginia Battalion and from two Militia Maryland Regi- 
ments. The Enemy were obliged to retreat, with the 
Loss of about 100 killed and prisoners — Col° Knolton, a 
brave officer, was killed. Major Leitch of May^ was 
wounded and despaired of. The Enemies main Army is 
now encamped between 7 and 8 Miles Stones. General 
Howe's Head Quarters at one M' Apthorp's.^ 

[Gates Papers, N. Y. Historical Society.] 



No. 22 
Washington's general orders 

Headquarters, 1Q^ September, 1776. 

(Parole, Beall) (Countersign, Maryland) 

The arrangement for this Night upon the heights com- 
manding the hollow way from the North River to the 
Main Road leading from New York to Kingsbridge. 
Gen. Clinton to form next to the North River, and extend 
to the left. Gen. Scott's Brigade next to Gen. Clinton's. 
Lieut. Col. Sayer of Col. Griffith's Regiment, with the three 
Companies intended for a reinforcement to day to form upon 
the left of Scott's Brigade. Gen. Nixon's & Col. Sergeants 
Division, Col. Weedon's & Major Price's Regiments, are 
to retire to their Quarters and refresh themselves, but to 
hold themselves in readiness to turn out at a minutes 
warning. Gen. McDougall to establish proper Guards 
against his Brigade upon the heights from Morris's House, 
to Gen. McDougalls Camp, to furnish proper Guards to 
prevent a surprise, not less than twenty Men from each 

^ Chase wrote from Philadelphia, giving the news as received there 
from Washington. See Document No. 4, and note, as to Apthorp's. 

M 



162 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

Regiment, Gen. Putnam commands upon the right flank 
to Night, Gen. Spencer from McDougall's Brigade up to 
Morris's House. Should the Enemy attempt to force the 
pass to-Night, Gen. Putnam is to apply to Gen. Spencer 
for a reinforcement. 

Headquarters, Sept. 17, 1776. 
(Parole, Leitch) (Countersign, Virginia) 

The General most heartily thanks the Troops com- 
manded yesterday by Major Leitch, who first advanced on 
the Enem3% and the others who so resolutely supported 
them; the Behaviour Yesterday is such a Contrast to that 
of some Troops the day before, as must shew what may be 
done where Officers and Soldiers will exert themselves. 
Once more therefore the General calls upon Officers and 
Men to act up to the Noble Cause in which they are 
engaged, and support the Honour and Liberties of their 
Country. 

The Gallant and brave Col. Knowlton who was an 
Honour to any Country, having fallen yesterday while 
gallantly fighting, Capt. Brown is to take the Command 
of the Party lately Commanded by Col. Knowlton; Officers 
& Men are to obey him accordingly. 

The loss of the Enemy yesterday undoubtedly would 
have been much greater, if the orders of the Commander 
in Chief had not in some instance been contradicted by 
some inferior Officers, who, however well they may mean, 
ought not to presume to direct. It is therefore Ordered 
that no Officer Commanding a Party, and having received 
Orders from the Commander in Chief, depart from them 
without Counter Orders from the same Authority, and as 
many may otherwise err thro' ignorance, the Army is now 
acquainted that the General Orders are delivered by the 



AUTHORITIES 163 

Adjutant General, one of the Aid de Camps, Mr Tilgh- 
man, or Col. Moylan the Quartermaster General. 

[MS. Orderly Book, McDougall's Brigade, N. Y, Historical Society.] 



No. 23 

EXTRACTS FROM THE MS. LITERARY DIARY AND JOUR- 
NAL OF OCCURRENCES KEPT BY DR. STILES, IN POS- 
SESSION OF YALE UNIVERSITY 

Nov. 10, 1776. General Greene's letter 4th October 
speaking of the Enemy's Landing near Turtle Bay & tak'g 
possess" of the City of N. Y. 15th Sept^ " The Panic that 
struck Gen. Fellows's & communicated itself to Gen. Par- 
sons' Brigade disgraced the last Retreat. The 2 Brigades 
run away from about 40 or fifty men, and left Gen' Wash- 
ington standing alone within an hundred yards of the 
Enemy. This disagreeable circumstance made the last 
Retreat very disgraceful. The Enemy next day at Har- 
lem Heights, flushed with the successes of the day before 
approached and attacked our Lines, where I had the honor 
to command. The action or rather skirmish lasted about 
two hours : our people beat the Enemy off the Ground. 
Col. Varnum & Col. Hitchcocks Reg' behaved exceedingly 
spirited and all the officers that were with the Regiments. 
The Colonels were both absent. Had all the Colonies 
good officers, there is no danger of the Troops : never was 
Troops that would stand in the Field longer than the Ameri- 
can Soldiery. If the officers were as good as the men and had 
only a few months to form the troops by Discipline, Amer- 
ica might bid defiance to the whole World. Gen. Put- 



164 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

nam and the Adjt. General were in the Action and behaved 

nobly." 

End of G. Green's Lett. 

Sept. 27, 1776. Last evening a Post came into Taunton 
— a letter from Lt. Ephraim Grossman to his father, dated 
N. York almost to King's bridge, Sept. 17. . . . " They 
attacked us next day (I suppose Monday 16 Sept.) and I 
turned out volunteer and followed them and we won the 
ground, drove them till they brought their ships to bear on 
ws, and the grape shot flew thick eno' for once." 

Gen. Putnam & Gen. Greene commanded in the Action 
with about 15 to eighteen hundred men, the Enemy having 
in the Action from 30 to 4500, Gen. Clinton & Gen. Mifflin 
were present in the Action as spectators. Gen. Clinton 
said he was ordered next day to bury the dead left on the 
field and buried 78 of the Enemy, the most of which fell 
in the Buckwheat Field. He judged we lost 120 killed & 
wounded — the Enemy 400 killed besides wounded: but 
phaps more probably less. Mr Hobart saw one who 
escaped from Harlem who told him that he counted 190 
wounded of the Enemy in one barn & 110 in another, so 
300 wounded & this not all. On the whole we fought 
well in this action. 

Oct. 9. 1776. Major Lamb of N. Y. is just returned from 

liis Captivity * * * He also told me that an officer came 

on board on Lds'dy Evening (15 Sept) damming the 

Yankees for runaway cowards & storming that there was 

no chance to fight & get honor & rise — he was in the 

Monday Action also & came again on board O Evening 

cursing & damming the War, saying he had found the 

Americans would fight & that it would be impossible to 

conquer them. 

[ From Jay Pamphlet.] 



AUTHORITIES 165 



No. 24 



WILLIAM ELLERY TO NICHOLAS COOKE, GOVERNOR OF 
RHODE ISLAND 

Philadelphia Oct' 11"^ 1776. 

I saw General Mifflin lately, and he informed that in the 
fight the day after the enemy took possession of New York, 
by the best accounts he could get, and from the appearance 
of the field of battle, they lost between four and five 
hundred killed and wounded ; and that we lost about one 
hundred killed and wounded. In the first part of this 
account Jared Hopkins, son of the minister in Newport, 
who saw the fight, agrees with the General, but says, that 
he saw our killed and wounded, and that they were much 
short of that number. They both, too, agree that some of 
our men who had behaved shamefully the day before 
fought gallantly there, and that with equal numbers we 
drove the enemy from the field. I believe they think the 
Americans will fight notwithstanding we have retreated 
and retreated. 

General Washington, as I am told, played off a pretty 
manoeuvre the other day. Determined to remove the grain 
and the furniture of the houses from Harlem, he drew out 
into the field a party of seventeen hundred. The enemy 
turned out as many. They approached within three 
hundred yards and looked at each other. While they 
were thus opposed front to front, our wagons carried off 
the grain and furniture. When this was accomplished, 
both parties retired within their lines. It is said that our 
men preserved very good faces. It would be of use to 
draw out our men in battle array frequently, to let them 



166 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

look the enemy in the face, and have frequent skirmishes 
with them. 

[Force's American Archives, Fiftli Series, Vol. IIL] 



No. 25 

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM HARLEM, DATED OCT. 3 

Yesterday morning eleven hundred men were ordered 
to parade at daylight, to bring off the corn, hay &c which 
lay on Harlem plains between the enemy and us. This 
property has lain for a fortnight past unmolested, both 
sides looking at it, and laying claim to it until to day, 
when it was brought off by us. A covering party were 
within musket shot of the enemy, but they made no other 
movements than to man their lines ; and three thousand of 
our men appearing, struck their tents, expecting an attack. 
Our fatigue party finished the business, and not a single 
shot was fired. These plains would afford an excellent 
field for a fight. I really expected an action, but the 
enemy declined it. 

[Freeman's Journal or N. H. Gazette, Oct. 22, 1776, Jay Pamphlet.] 



No. 26 

FROM Gordon's history of the American war 

Sept. 16, 1776. On the Monday there was a tolerable 
skirmish between two battalions of light infantry and high- 
landers, and three companies of Hessian riflemen com- 
manded by Brigadier Leslie, and detachments from the 
American army under the command of lieut. col. Knolton 



AUTHORITIES 167 

of Connecticut and major Leitch of Virginia. The colonel 
received a mortal wound, and the major three balls through 
his body, but is likely to do well. Their parties behaved 
with great bravery, and being supplied with fresh troo]3s, 
beat the enemy fairly from the field. The loss of the 
Americans, except in col. Knolton, a most valuable and 
gallant officer, was inconsiderable ; that of the enemy 
between 80 and 100 wounded, and 15 or 20 killed. This 
little advantage inspirited the Americans prodigiously. 
They found it required only resolution and good officers 
to make an enemy they stood too much in dread of, give 
way.^ The men will fight if led on by good officers, and 
as certainly run away if commanded by scoundrels. Sun- 
day was an instance of the last, and the next day a confir- 
mation of the first assertion. On Sunday, the officers, 
instead of heading and leading the men on to attack the 
enemy when landing, were the first to scamper off. 



No. 27 
FROM Marshall's life of Washington 

Sept. 15, 1776. Having taken possession of New York, 
Gen. Howe stationed a few troops in the town ; and, with 
the main body of his army, encamped on the island, near 
the American lines. His right was at Horen's Hook on the 
East river, and his left reached the North river near 
Bloomingdale ; so that his encampment extended quite 
across the island, which is, in this place, scarcely two miles 
wide ; and both his flanks were covered by his ships. 

The strongest point of the American lines was at Kings- 

^ Gen. Washington's letter to Gen. Gates. 



168 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

bridge, both sides of which had been carefully fortified. 
McGowan's Pass and Morris's Heights were also occupied 
in considerable force, and rendered capable of being de- 
fended against superior numbers. A strong detachment 
was posted in an entrenched camp on the heights Haerlem 
within about a mile and a half of the British lines. 

The present position of the armies favoured the views of 
the American General. He wished to habituate his sol- 
diers, by a series of successful skirmishes, to meet the 
enemy in the field ; and he persuaded himself that his de- 
tachments, knowing a strong intrenched camp to be imme- 
diately in their rear, would engage without ajjprehension, 
would soon display their native courage, and would speedily 
regain the confidence they had lost. 

Opportunities to make the experiments he wished were 
soon afforded. The day after the retreat from New York, 
the British appeared {Sept. 16) in considerable force in the 
plains between the two camps; and the General imme- 
diately rode to his advanced posts, in order to make in person 
such arrangements as this movement might require. Soon 
after his arrival, Lieut Col. Knowlton of Connecticut, 
who, at the head of a corps of rangers, had been skirmish- 
ing with this party, came in, and stated their numbers on 
conjecture at about 300 men, the main body being con- 
cealed in a wood. 

The General ordered Col Knowlton with his rangers, 
and Major Leitch with three companies of the third Vir- 
ginia regiment, which had joined the army only the pre- 
ceding day, to gain their rear, while he amused them with 
the appearance of making dispositions to attack their front. 

This plan succeeded. The British ran eagerly down 
a hill, in order to possess themselves of some fences 
and bushes, which presented an advantageous position 



AUTHORITIES 169 

against the party expected in front; and a firing com- 
menced — but at too great a distance to do any execution. 
In the meantime Colonel Knowlton, not being precisely 
acquainted with their new position, made his attack rather 
on their flank than rear, and a Avarm action ensued. 

In a short time, Major Leitch, who had led the detach- 
ment with great intrepiditity, was brought off the ground 
mortally wounded, having received three balls through 
his body ; and soon after the gallant Colonel Knowlton 
also fell. Not discouraged by the loss of their field officers, 
the captains maintained their ground, and continued the 
action with great animation. The British were reinforced ; 
and General Washington ordered some detachments from 
the adjacent regiments of New England and Maryland, to 
the support of the Americans. Thus reinforced, they 
made a gallant charge, drove the enemy out of the wood 
into the plain, and were pressing him still farther, when 
the General, content with the present advantage, called 
back his troops to their intrenchments.^ 

In this sharp conflict, the loss of the Americans, in 
killed and wounded, did not exceed fifty men. The 
British lost more than double that number. But the real 
importance of the affair was derived from its operation on 
the spirits of the whole army. It was the first success 
they had obtained during this campaign ; and its influence 
was very discernible. To give it the more effect, the pa- 
role next day was Leitch ; and the General in his orders 
publicly thanked the troops under the command of that 
officer, who had first advanced on the enemy, and the others 
who had so resolutely supported them. He contrasted 

1 The author received the account of this skirmish from the Colonel 
of the third Virginia regiment, and from the Captains commanding the 
companies that were engaged. 



170 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

their conduct with that which had been exhibited the day 
before : and the result, he said evidenced what might be 
done where officers and soldiers would exert themselves. 
Once more, therefore, he called upon them so to act, as not 
to disgrace the noble cause in which they were engaged. 
He appointed a successor to "the gallant and brave 
Colonel Knowlton who would," he said, " have been an 
honour to any country, and who had fallen gloriously, 
fighting at his post." 



No. 28 

FROM GENERAL HEATH'S MEMOIRS 

Sept. 15'". About noon, the British landed at Kepps's 
Bay. They met with but small resistance, and pushed 
towards the city, of which they took possession in the 
afternoon. They availed themselves of some cannon and 
stores; but their booty was not very great. Here the 
Americans, we are sorry to say, did not behave well ; and 
here it was, as fame hath said, that Gen. Washington threw 
his hat on the ground, and exclaimed, " Are these the men 
with which I am to defend America? " But several things 
may have weight here ; — the wounds received on Long- 
Island were yet bleeding ; and the officers, if not the men, 
knew that the city was not to be defended. Maj. Chap- 
man was killed, and Brig. Maj. Wyllis was taken prisoner. 
A few others were killed, wounded, and taken prisoners. 
The Americans retreated up the island ; and some few, 
who could not get out of the city that way, escaped in 
boats over to Paulus Hook, across the river. The house, 
in the fort at Horn's Hook, was set on fire by a shell, and 
burnt down. The fort was afterwards abandoned. 

Sept. 16'*. A little before noon, a smart skirmish hap- 



AUTHORITIES 171 

pened on the heights west of Haerlem Plain, and south of 
Morris's house, between a party of Hessian Yagers, British 
Light-Infantry and Highlanders, and the American rifle- 
men and some other troops, which ended in favour of the 
latter. The troops fought well, on both sides, and gave 
great proof of their markmanship. The Americans had 
several officers killed and wounded; among the former, 
Lieut. Col. Knoulton, of the Connecticut line, and Capt. 
Gleason, of Nixon's Massachusetts regiment, two excel- 
lent ofificers ; and Maj. Leech, of one of the southern 
regiments, a brave officer, was among the latter. This 
skirmish might have brought on a general action ; for both 
armies were then within supporting distance of the troops 
which were engaged. 



No. 29 

COLONEL DAVID GRIFFITHS, OF MARYLAND, TO MAJOR 
LEVEN POWEL, LOUDON CO., VIRGINIA 

Camp on Harlem Heights, 18*i» September, 1776, 
Our Rangers and Riflemen pretty far advanced in our 
front in ground very hilly and covered with wood were 
informed of the Enemy's motions by the Scouts and 
bravely advanced to meet them. A very smart action 
ensued in the true Bush-fighting way in which our Troops 
behaved in a manner that does them the highest Honor. 
After keeping a very heavy fire on both sides for near 
three hours they drove the enemy to their main Body and 
then were prudently ordered to retreat for fear of being 
drawn into an ambuscade. The 3"^ Virg* Reg' [Weedon's] 
was ordered out at the Beginning to maintain a particular 
post in front and Major Leitch was detached with the 3 
Rifle Companies to flank the Enemy. He conducted him- 



172 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

self on this occasion in a manner that does him the great- 
est Honor and so did all his Party, till he received two 
balls in his Belly and one in his hip, which though very 
dangerous will not, I am in great Hopes, prove fatal. I 
have much reason to think his Bowels are unhurt — he is 
free from all Bad symptoms and is in great spirits and has 
a good appetite. We had 3 men killed and ten wounded. 
The Loudon Company suffered most — the Captain be- 
haved nobly. Our whole loss is not yet ascertained. The 
wounded are not more than 40. Coll. Noleton of the N. E. 
Rangers is the only officer killed. . . . Our Battalion 
(after the Riflemen were detached) were attacked in open 
field which they drove off and forced them down a Hill. 
The Maryland and Virginia troops were principally en- 
gaged and have received the Gen" thanks. I must men- 
tion that the two Yankee Reg" who ran on Sunday fought 
tollerably well on Monday and in some measure retrieved 
their reputation. This affair, tho' not great in itself, is of 
consequence as it gives spirits to the army, which they 
wanted. Indeed the confusion was such on Sunday that 
everybody looked dispirited. At present everything wears 
a different face. 

[Lossing's Historical Record, Vol. II., p. 260.] 



No. 30 

LIEUTENANT JOSEPH HODGKINS, OF LITTLE'S MASS. 
REGT., TO HIS WIFE AT IPSWICH 

In Camp at Fort Constitution, 
New Jersey, Sept. ye 30, 1776. 
My Dear, 

We have had Experience of gods goodness to us in 
Preserving us in Battle and Carrying us through many 



AUTHORITIES 173 

defilties Since I wrote my last: of which I shall give 
you a short account, viz. : on Sartaday ye 14 instant we 
moved to Harlem, and incamped on an Hill about nine 
miles from York, and about 12 o'clock that night we 
whare alarmed and marched about one mile, and thence 
Took Post and staid Till Sun Rise, then we marched 
home. We had not got Brakfast Before there whas a very 
heavy Cannonading at the Sitty, and we whar told that 
the Enemy whas about Landing Down to Harlem Point, 
whare we Expected they would Land By there motions. 
But while our Brigade with two more whas wating there : 
they Landed at a place called Turtal Bay 3 or 4 miles 
nearer York, and there whas two Brigades there. But 
they Being Chiefly milisha it whas said that Two hundred 
of the Enemy made them all Run, so they Landed with- 
out much Resistance and marched towards York and 
Took Possession of the Sitty about 4 o'clock on Sunday. 
Now you must think they whare in high spirits and 
thought all whas there own : so on Monday morning they 
thought they would atack us with about six thousand men 
and Drive us all over Kings bridge. But thay whare 
much mistaken. But however as soon as we heard that 
thay whare advancing towards us, the General sent out 
200 Rangers under command of Coll. Knolton who soon 
met the enemy and fired on them and fought them on the 
Retreat, till thay got Prety near us, then the Enemy 
Halted Back of an Hill, Blode a french Horn which whas 
for a Reinforcement, and as soon as they got itt, they 
Formed in to two Coloms : But our Brigade whas Posted 
in the Edge of a thick Wood and By some climing up a 
Tree could see the Enemys motion and while they whare 
aforming, the General sent a Party to atack them which 
answered the End for which they whare sent; for our 



174 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

People made the atack and Retreated towards us to the 
Place whare we whanted them to come, and then the 
Enemy Rushed Down the Hill with all speed to a Plain 
spot of ground, then our Brigade marched out of the 
woods, then a very hot Fire Began on Both sides, and 
Lasted for upwards of an hour, then the Enemy retreated 
up the Hill, and our People followed them and fote them 
near an hour Longer till they got under Cover of their 
ships, which whas in North River, then our People Left them. 

The Loss on our Side is about 40 Killed and 60 : or 70 
wounded. There was none Killed in our Reg', and about 
20 wounded. One of our Corp'ls whas Badly wounded 
through the knees, but I hope he will due well ; the Loss 
on the Enemys side is not sarting, but according to the 
Best accounts that we have had, they had near 500 killed 
and near as many wounded. They whare seen to carry off 
several wagon Loads Besides our People Burryed a good 
many that they left. We whare informed by two Prisen- 
ers that they had not the jNIilisha to Deal with at this 
time. They said that the Surgeon swore that they 
had no milisha to Day. This was the first Time we had 
any chance to fite them and I doubt not if we should have 
another opportunity, but we should give them another 
Dressing. 

At this place whare we incamped whas within two gun 
shots of the Place whare the Battle whas, for we whare 
always kept on the advanced Post next to the enemy 
until now ; and now we are on the Jersey Hills where we 
have been since the 20 of this month ; and I hope we shall 
stay here the rest of the Campan, as I have been at the 
Troble of Building a Log House with a ston Chimney. 
Had not Lodged on any thing but the ground since we 
left Long Island. 



AUTHORITIES 175 

Capt Wade has been sick and absent from me ever since 
the 13 Day of this month, and has this moment got hear 
and is prett}^ well again. 

[Magazine of American History, Sept. 1882.] 



No. 31 

FROM THE DIARY OF SOLOMON E. CLIFT 

A party from the enemy attacked the Americans, when 
a battle ensued, and continued about two hours, when the 
enemy gave way, and were pursued about two miles. In 
this action, the brave and intrepid Colonel Knowlton of 
Ashford, in Connecticut, was killed ; and it is said Colonel 
Seldon, of Lyme, is among the slain. The loss the enemy 
sustained is said to have been very considerable. Our 
army is now between the nine and ten mile stones (Harlem) 
where they are strongly fortified and intrenched. The 
enemy's lines are about one mile and a half below them. 
[Moore's Diary of the American Revolution, I., 310.] 



No. 32 

LETTERS FROM LIEUT.-COLONEL TILGHMAN, AID TO 
WASHINGTON 

Head Quarters, Harlem Heights, 
Monday, 16 Sep^ 1776. 

Our Army totally evacuated New York yesterday, the 
Enemy landed a party of about 3000 from Appearance 
four miles above the City where they encamped last Night. 
They kept up a very heavy fire from their Ships while 
their Men were landing, altho' no Body opposed them, I 



176 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

imagine they did it, thinking we might have some men con- 
cealed behind some lines on the Water side. We removed 
everything that was valuable, some heavy cannon excepted, 
before we left the Town. Our army is posted as advan- 
tageously as possible for Security, out of reach of the Fire 
of the Ships from either River ; and upon high Grounds of 
difficult Access. . . . 

Head Quarters Col°. Morris's, 
19'h Sep'. 1776. 

.... On Monday last we had a pretty smart skir- 
mish with the British Troops which was brought on in 
the following Manner. The General rode down to our 
farthest Lines, and when he came near them heard a firing 
which he was informed was between our Scouts and the 
out Guards of the Enemy. When our men came in they 
informed the General that there were a party of about 
300 behind a woody hill, tho' they only showed a very 
small party to us. Upon this General laid a plan for 
attacking them in the Rear and cutting off their Retreat 
which was to be effected in the following Manner. Major 
Leitch with three companies of Col°. Weedons Virginia 
Regiment, and Col° Knowlton with his Rangers were to 
steal round while a party were to march towards them and 
seem as if they intended to attack in front, but not to 
make any real Attack till they saw our men fairly in their 
Rear. The Bait took as to one part, as soon as they saw 
our party in front the Enemy ran down the Hill and took 
possession of some Fences and Bushes and began to fire 
at them, but at too great distance to do much execution : 
Unluckily Col°. Knowlton and Major Leitch began their 
Attack too soon, it was rather in Flank than in Rear. 
The Action now grew warm, Major Leitch was wounded 
early in the Engagement and Col°. Knowlton soon after, 



AUTHORITIES 177 

the latter mortally, he was one of the bravest and best 
officers in the Army. Their Men notwithstanding per- 
sisted with the greatest Bravery. The Gen' finding they 
wanted support ordered over part of Col°. Griffiths's and 
part of Col°. Richardson's Maryland Regiments, these 
Troops tho' young charged with as much Bravery as I can 
conceive, they gave two fires and then rushed right for- 
ward which drove the enemy from the wood into a Buck- 
wheat field, from whence they retreated. The General 
fearing (as we afterwards found) that a large Body was 
coming up to support them, sent me over to bring our 
Men off. They gave a Hurra and left the Field in good 
Order. We had about 40 wounded and a very few killed. 
A Serjeant who deserted says their Accounts were 89 
wounded and 8 killed, but in the latter he is mistaken for 
we have buried more than double that Number — We find 
their force was much more considerable than we imagined 
when the General ordered the Attack. It consisted of the 
2'' Batt". of light Infantry, a Batt". of the Royal High- 
landers and 3 Comp'. of Hessian Rifle Men. The prisoners 
we took, told us, they expected our Men would have run 
away as they did the day before, but that they were never 
more surprised than to see us advancing to attack them. 
The Virginia and Maryland Troops bear the Palm. They 
are well officered and behave with as much regularity as 
possible, while the Eastern people are plundering every- 
thing that comes in their way. An Ensign is to be tried 
for marauding to-day, the Gen', will execute him if he can 
get a Court Martial to convict him — I like our post here 
exceedingly, I think if we give it up it is our own faults. 
You must excuse me to my other friends for not writing 
to them. I can hardly find time to give you a Line. 
[Memoir of Lieut.-Col. Tench Tilghman. J. Munsell, Albany, 1876.] 

N 



178 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

No. 33 

RECOLLECTIONS OF JUDGE OLIVER BURNHAM, CORNWALL, 
CONN., ONE OF KNOWLTON's RANGERS 

Soon after the retreat from Long Island, Colonel 
Knowlton was ordered to raise a battalion of troops from 
the different regiments called the Rangers, to reconnoitre 
along our shores, and between the armies. Being invited 
by a favourite officer, I volunteered, and on the day the 
enemy took New York, we were at Harlem, and had no 
share in the events of that day. But on the next, we 
were ordered to bring a large force of the enemy off the 
Ground they had selected, on to one more favourable 
for us. Colonel Knowlton marched close to the enemy 
as they lay on one of the Harlem Heights and discharged 
a few rounds and then retreated over the hill out of sight 
of the enemy and concealed us behind a low stone wall. 
The Colonel marked a place about eight or ten rods from 
the wall and charged us not to rise or fire a gun until the 
enemy's front reached that place. The British followed 
in Solid column and soon were on the ground designated, 
when we gave them nine rounds and retreated. 

We lost about one-fourth of our little force, and be- 
lieved that we killed many times more than our whole 
number of the Enemy. 

Our number Engaged was only about 120, and I often 
heard it said in New York, while a prisoner there, that 
the British had twice that force. 

Soon after we met our army, General Putnam Came 
up to Colonel Knowlton, and directed him to take the 
left flank, and the troops marched to meet the Enemy. 
But as the old troops marched slower than those who had 



AUTHORITIES 170 

been Engaged, we fell on their flank before the others 
came into action. Passing over, we met the Enemy's 
right flank which had been posted out of our Sight on 
lower ground. They fired, and killed Colonel Knowlton 
and nearly all that had reached the top of the height. 
I was within a few feet of the Colonel when he fell. 
Our flank soon came up and drove theirs to their main 
body. We kept our ground during the action and kept 
up a Continual fire. 

After discharging about Sixty rounds they retreated 
and we fell upon their rear, and took two field pieces 
as they were dragging them up through a buckwheat field. 
We then pursued them on to the ground where we first 
found them. 

Thus ended the battle of Harlem Heights, which was 
of Considerable importance although little has been said 
of it in any history that I have seen that gives anything 
like a true account of that action, or alludes to the honor 
due Colonel Knowlton and his family for his conduct 
on that day — He had a brother and Son in the battle, all 
brave men. 

Soon after, the two armies were at White Plains leav- 
ing a garrison in Fort Washington. A British army of 
Considerable force lay between us and New York. Our 
Rangers were stationed near Harlem to watch the Enemy, 
and had Several Engagements with Small parties of them. 
In one of these Major Coburn who Commanded was 
wounded by a musket shot through the arm, and left us, 
if my recollection is Correct, under Captain Pope. We 
remained until the Sixteenth of November in this situa- 
tion, when we were warmly Engaged on all sides. We 
were about two miles below the fort and well sustained 
the attack until the enemy made good their landing across 



180 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

Harlem River, when we had hard fighting to reach the 
Fort — Just as we had reached the gate the flag went 
out and Surrendered the fort and ourselves prisoners of 

war. 

[From Original MSS.] 



No. 34 

ACCOUNT BY JAMES S. MARTIN, SOLDIER IN COLONEL 
DOUGLAS' REGIMENT OF CONNECTICUT LEVIES 

The next day [Sept. 16, 1776], in the forenoon, the 
enemy, as we expected, followed us 'hard up' and were 
advancing through a level field; our rangers and some 
few other light troops under the command of Col. Knowl- 
ton, of Connecticut and Major Leitch of (I believe) Vir- 
ginia, were in waiting for them. Seeing them advancing, 
the rangers, &c, concealed themselves in a deep gully 
overgrown with bushes ; upon the western verge of this 
defile was a post and rail fence, and over that the fore- 
mentioned field. Our people let the enemy advance until 
they arrived at the fence when they arose and poured in 
a volley upon them. How many of the enemy were 
killed & wounded could not be known, as the British 
were always as careful as Indians to conceal their losses. 
There were, doubtless, some killed, as I myself counted 
nineteen ball-holes through a single rail of the fence at 
which the enemy were standing when the action began. 
The British gave back and our people advanced into the 
field. The action soon became warm. Col. Knowlton, a 
brave man and commander of the detachment, fell in the 
early part of the engagement. It was said, by them who 
saw it, that he lost his valuable life by unadvisedly expos- 
ing himself singly to the enemy. In my boyhood I had 



AUTHORITIES 181 

been acquainted with him ; he was a brave man and an 
excellent citizen. Major Leitch fell soon after, and the 
troops who were then engaged, were left with no higher 
commanders than their captains, but they still kept the 
enemy retreating. Our regiment was now ordered into 
the field, and we arrived on the ground just as the retreat- 
ing army were entering a thick wood, a circumstance as 
disagreeable to them as it was agreeable to us, at that 
j)eriod of the war. We soon came to action with them. 
The troops engaged being reinforced by our regiment 
kept them still retreating, until they found shelter under 
the cannon of some of their shipping, lying in the North 
River. We remained on the battle ground till nearly sun- 
set, expecting the enemy to attack us again, but they 
showed no such inclination that day. The men were very 
much fatigued and faint, having had nothing to eat for 
forty-eight hours — at least the greater part were in this 
condition & I among the rest. . . . We had eight or 
ten of our reg' killed in the action & a number wounded, 
but none of them belonging to ovir company. Our Lt. 
Col. was hit by a grape-shot, which went through his coat, 
westcoat and shirt, to the skin on his shoulder, without 
doing any other damage than cutting up his epaulette. 

[A Narrative of Some of the Adventures, Dangers and Sufferings of 
a Revolutionary Soldier, etc. Hallov?ell, Me., 1830.] 



No. 35 

PETBK DUBOIS TO MAJOR GOLDEN, WRITTEN AT SECOND 
RIVER, N. J. 

Tuesday, Sept. 17, 1776. 
We have Three different and Equally Confused Accounts 
of Another Action Yesterday between the Hours of 10 & 



182 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

2 "Clock, Said to have happen'd on the Bank of Hudsons 
River about Two Miles higher than M'. Apthorps, Near 
where the Gully Terminates that Crosses the Island as you 
Enter Harlem Lane from Kingsbridge, in which Common 
fame by the Bye a Most Notorious Liar Says The Regular 
Troops were Routed with the Loss of about 400 Men Killd 
Wounded & prisoners with three field pieces whilst the 
Provincials lost only 48 Men. 

I have Endeavord to Trace the Reports But Cannot deduce 
their Origin farther than from some Associators Now Uni- 
versally known here by the Denomination of Flying Camp 
Men. These with one or More of the Heroic Battalions 
of their Corps were Posted at a Fort lately thrown up on the 
Jersey Shore, nearly Opposite to Fort Washington declare 
they saw the Engagement, from the heights opposite to it 
on the Jersey shore & that a boat with some people in it 
had come a Cross the River from whom they heard these 
particulars. As yet I suspend my opinion of the Number 
Lost on either Side But think it probable there has been 
an Action and that the British Troops have Retreated 
— first Because Twenty seven flat Bottom Boats full 
of Soldiers were seen to go up the North River Early 
on Monday Morning — Secondly Because We have had 
Acco". that the Provincials Began to throw up Intrench- 
ments at this place a Sunday Afternoon at which they 
continued to Work all Night. And the Reporters Say the 
British Troops forced the first Line of Their Intrenchments 
and were on the Brink of Carrying the second when they 
were flanked by a Body of Riflemen which induced them 
to Retreat — I think it probable The Kings Troops have 
been if not totally, in a great Measure Ignorant of the 
Intrenchments and possibly highly elated with their late 
Successes and probably but Indifferently Acquainted w"* 



AUTHORITIES 183 

The Surrounding Grounds — All which Circumstances 
must have been of bad tendency to them — But may teach 
their Commanders a Lesson of Military Wisdom — Not to 
Undervalue their Enemy, To be Cautious & Circumspect 
before they Advance And thoroughly to Reconnoitre the 
Enemys defences as well as the Surrounding Grounds. 

Wednesday, Sept. 18'^. 1776. 

I have just seen an officer of The Jersey Forces from 
fort Washington who says he was in the Action on Mon- 
day. His Name is Deane & of the S*"*. Reg'. He told me 
The Regular Troops about 1000 in Number principally of 
Fraziers Reg*. Attacked their Advanced post in its In- 
trenchments, But on a Brigade Appearing to Reinforce 
them Retreat", That by Estimation they must have had 
Killd & Wounded about 200 Men That the Provincials 
had only 11 Killd & 15 wounded among the former a New 
England Collonell. — He says the Main force of The 
British Army is Collected at the Seven Mile Stone Ex- 
tending Cross the Island — That the Provincials have 
thrown up very strong lines from Harlem River a Cross to 
Hudsons River at the Nine Mile Stone, and have 10,000 
Men the Flower of their Troops Encamp'd without the 
Lines Determind to Oppose the Regulars in the field sho^. 
they attempt the heights, — that the Remainder of the 
Provincials are in different Encampments from Coll". 
Morris's to Kings Bridge & beyond it and Consist of about 
20,000 men, who are all in high Spirits — this Account of 
the Engagement and of The Disposition of the Two Armys 
is the most probable & The Most Distinct of any I have 
yet heard & therefore I have given it you by way of Sup- 
plement. 
[McKesson Papers, N. Y. Historical Society. Mag. of Am. History.] 



184 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

No. 36 

EECOLLECTIONS OF COLONEL HENRY RUTGERS IN AN 
ADDRESS AT THE LAYING OF A CHURCH CORNER- 
STONE, 1827 

I cheerfully joined the army at Brooklyn Heights ; and 
after that skirmish I escaped with the retreating army to 
the City of New York. I returned at once to my peaceful 
dwelling, but was soon after commanded to join the army 
in its farther retreat to Haerlem Heights. 

On mounting my horse, and retiring across the fields in 
the immediate vicinity of this spot, with a slow step and 
an anxious state of mind, I contemplated my then present 
situation and my future prospects. . . . Soon after this, 
a division of the British army, taking the Bloomingdale 
Road, arrived at Manhattan Ville (now so called). Some 
sharp shooting immediately commenced between the rifle- 
men of each army, in a buckwheat field, situated in the 
valley between them ; many brave men on both sides were 
killed, and many more were wounded. The British were 
brought to Haerlem River, and from thence they were 
conveyed by water, to my dwelling house, which I had 
very recently left, but which had already received the 
mark of Confiscation on the south door (and, my friends 
that mark I have taken care still to preserve on my door). 
My dwelling house was then occupied by them as an 
Hospital, a Store House, or Barracks, as the circumstances 
of the times required. 

[Magazine of the Dutch Reformed Church, Vol. II., p. 412.] 



AUTHORITIES 185 

No. 37 
RECOLLECTIONS OF MRS. BENSON MCGOWAN, OF HARLEM 

Randall's Island, now owned by the New York Cor- 
poration, was the property of Captain Montressor before 
the Revolutionary War. It was confiscated, and after 
peace passed into the hands of Captain Randall, a native 
of Harlem, father of David Randall, Esq. Capt. Randall 
was a tory, raised a Company of Provincials and received 
a Commission, which he afterward sold out, and with the 
proceeds purchased the Island. 

The Benson House at Harlem where I was born was 
built by my great grandfather and is more than one 
hundred years old. In September, 1776, when the British 
fired at Jacob Walton's house, my father became alarmed 
for his family, and putting a few valuables and necessaries 
in a waggon took his wife and children to the country 
expecting to return in a fortnight, but we remained there 
till after peace was proclaimed. First we settled in Fish- 
kill and afterward lived at Salisbury in Connecticut. 

The skirmish at Harlem in which Colonel Knowlton 
fell, took place near where the De Peysters lived, and 
north of there, that is, in the vicinity of the Bloomingdale 
Asylum. 

The Blue Bell was a tavern on the Post road near Fort 
Washington, and which before and during the Revolu- 
tionary War, was kept by Blazius Moore, father of Blazy 
Moore who lives now in the Bowery. 

Colonel Roger Morris' house is the same now owned 
by Madame Jumel with but little alteration. It 
was Washington's and afterwards Knyphausen's head- 
quarters. 



186 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

Mrs. Day's Tavern was on the old Post road near Man- 
hattanville. Abraham King, formerly Alderman of the 
Twelfth Ward, I think, married the grand daughter en- 
gaged to Captain Romer. The old Post road ran where 
Haerlem Lane is now, near to Manhattanville, then for 
some distance under the Ridge, and then up to Break- 
Neck Hill. The old Bloomingdale road ran no farther 
(in the Revolutionary War) than Manhattanville where 
there was a landing. 

[From papers in possession of the late Mr. Moore, librarian of Lenox 
Library, dated 1847.] 



No. 38 

CAPTAIN SEBASTIAN BAUMAN's ACCOUNT OP HIS EXPERI- 
ENCES WITH HIS COMPANY OF ARTILLERY, SEPTEMBER 
15TH, 1776 

I remained on that day in New York on the grand 
Battry until 10 oclock in the morning — the Enemy to all 
appearance had landed in Gibb's [Kip's] Bay and there- 
abouts at 9 oclock ; not a musketeer had been left within 
a mile of the citty when I recieved orders to throw or force 
myself into the fort on Bayards Hill. 

I had a Company of excellent men. But not a musket 
among us, except two Howitzers, which by order I was to 
bring out at the risk of my life. I marched through the 
Citty with Drums and Fifes playing, not meeting about 
six living souls on my way, untill my arrival at the fort, 
where I met some more Artillery Officers and a few men 
with about 25 musketteers, which Contributed something 
(toward an order we Received) to sustain an attack or 



AUTHORITIES 187 

siege. The Enemy by information had extended himself 
almost across the Island, from Gibbs Bay to little Bluming- 
thal. I concluded from all apparent circumstances we 
were entirely cut off from our army and left to the fate of 
war, as will appear from a second order, Recieved about 4 
oclock in the afternoon, to force our way to Kings Bridge, 
(note, through the combined army of Howe). 

According to orders, [I] put our little army which con- 
sisted of about 80 men in the best order possible with 
flanking parties out and advanced along the North river 
as far as the Glass House, where we made a halt in sight 
of two Ships of War which lay close under shore to ob- 
struct our advancing any that Way Without giving them 
Battle which we thought Best to Decline, as it would 
have Drawn the attention of Howe's Army by the firing 
towards us. Intelligence being brought that a Body of 
the Enemy's troops are marching towards the North 
River, I sent a corporal and a gunner from my company 
to Reconnoitre, with orders to inform themselves well, 
and us, of any Discovery from which we might reap any 
advantage. 

In the main while we posted ourselves in a small 
Redowt which happened to be near by with full inten- 
tion to Defend ourselves to the last in case of an attack. 
But neither one or the other appearing I gave over my 
two men for lost. Being took prisoners as I afterwards 
heard within 600 yards from our little fort. No provi- 
sion — night setting in, the musketeers begin to shift for 
themselves by swimming and upon planks across the North 
River. There we were, and how to Extricate ourselves 
from being taken prisoners or how to save my artillery 
from falling into the Enemies hand will be seen in the 
following period. 



188 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

I have observed before, night already had spread her 
mantle and in a great measure covered us from being 
seen, under which we held a Confederacy not to leave 
one another let the consequence be what it would and 
concluded to return to Bayard Hill, there to wait the 
issue of the next day, with the proviso to get across the 
North River if possible. Accordingly left our little fort, 
and in our march which has been as silent as night itself, 
We discovered a Boat with her sails up laying high and 
dry on the beach, which Boat we supposed to have been 
drove on shore by those ships of war which went up the 
river in the morning. All hands was set to work if pos- 
sible to get her in the water — which at last with a deal 
to do accomplished. But how to get my Howitzers in 
the Boat was another matter of concern which we could 
not effect ; therefore we concluded again to send as many 
men with the Boat as would work her over to Fowl's 
hook ; from thence they should return with another boat 
such as could take in the ordnance and stores which re- 
mained and I of consequence with it. 

Maine while I sent another corporal in disguise to New 
York to see and hear what was going forward in the Citty 
and if possible to procure a Boat or Raft in Case I should 
be disappointed from Poulshook. After the stipulated 
time he returned adding the impossibility of my getting 
any releive from that quarter. 

It being then 12 oClock in the night and very cold, 
Being on the brink of Dispair on account of my men, 
when a Boat arrived from Poulshook and carried me and 
artillery over. 

[From MSS. in possession of Mrs. C. D. Marsh.] 



AUTHORITIES 189 

No. 39 
OFFICERS OF KNOWLTON's "RANGERS," 1776 

Lieut.-Colonel : Thomas Knowlton, Ashford, detached from Durkee's 
Conn. Cont. Regt. about Sept. 1, '76, to command of " Rangers " ; 
mortally wounded in the " affair " or battle of Harlem Heights, 
Sept. 16 ; buried with military honors within the American 
lines on present Washington Heights, N. Y. 
Major: Andrew Colburn ^ [New Hampshire], Major of Nixon's Mass. 
Cont. Regt., appt. to command of " Rangers," Oct. 1 ; wounded 
Oct. — and retired. 
Adjutant: Thomas U. Fosdick, New London, ensign in Chas. Webb's 

Regt. 
Captains : Stephen Brown, Woodstock, of Dm-kee's Regt. ; in com- 
mand of "Rangers," after Knowlton's death until about Oct. 1, 
when he returned to his Regt. 

Thomas Grosvenor, Pomfret, of Durkee's Regt. ; returned to his 
Regt. about Oct. 1 ; cont. in '77. 

Nathan Hale, Coventry, of Chas. Webb's Conn. Cont. Regt.; ab- 
sent as spy in enemy's lines ; executed Sept. 22, '76. 

Lemuel Holmes^ [New Hampshire], 1st Lieut. Sargent's Mass. 
Cont. Regt.; rept. as Capt. Oct. 15, and commanded "Rang- 
ers," succeeding Maj. Colburn; prisoner Nov. 16, '76; exch. 
Nov. '78. 
Lieutenants: Oliver Babcock, Stonington, 1st Lieut. Parsons' Cont. 
Regt.; taken pris. Nov. 16, '76, at Fort Washington; exch. 
about Jan. 1, '77; died Jan. 25. 

Jesse Grant, Litchfield, of Chas. Webb's Regt. ; pris. Nov. 16, Ft. 
Washington ; exch. Dec. 17, '80. 

Abner Bacon, Canterbury, 1st Lieut. Chester's State Regt. ; cont. 
in '77. 

Ephraim Cleveland [Mass.], 1st Lieut. Sargent's Regt. 

1 Major Colburn was the same officer who in the following year 
appeared as Lieut.-Col. of the Third Regt. New Hampshire " Line " 
and fell in the first engagement with Burgoyne's army near Stillwater, 
Sept. 19, '77. He came from North Marlborough in that State. 

2 Capt. Lemuel Holmes, of Sargent's Mass. Regt., also belonged to 
New Hampshire, town of Surry. 



190 



BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 



Lieutenants: Aaron Stratten [Mass.], 1st Lieut. Sargent's Regt. 
William Scott [Mass.], 1st Lieut. Sargent's Regt. 
Jacob Pope [Mass.], 2d Lieut.-Col. Jon" Ward's Mass. Regt.; 

cashiered Sept. 28, '76. 
Ensigns: Benoni Shipman, New Haven, of Chas. Webb's Regt. ; cont. 

in '77. 
Aaron Cleaveland, Canterbury, of Chester's State Regt. 
Daniel Knowlton, Ashford, of Chester's State Regt. ; taken prisoner 

Nov. 26, at Ft. Washington ; elder brother of Col. Knowlton. 
Thomas Header, Hartford, of Col. Wyllys' Conn. Cont. Regt. ; 

taken prisoner at Ft. Washington, Nov. 16, '76. 
Ebenezer West, , of Hitchcock's R. I. Cont. Regt. 



NON-COMMISSIONED OFFICERS AND PRIVATES, OF THE 
RANGERS, 



Taken Prisoners at Surrender of Fort Washington, N. Y. Island, Nov. 16, '76 



DETACHED FROM DURKEE S REGT. 
— CONN. 

Serjeants. 
Benjamin L-ish, 
William Stuart. 

Privates. 
Nath'l. Chesebrough, 
John Lay, 
George Wilson, 
Roswell Becket, 
Jabez Dewey, 
William Ashcraft, 
Joseph Sheffield, 
Roger Billings, 
Phineas Ellis, 
Reuben Skespicks, 
Ammon Harvey, 
Joshua Davis, 
Seth Norton, 
Jos. Hancock, 
Daniel Sampson, 
Abner Cole, 



Daniel Vanderpole, 
Moses Gun, 
Enoch Green ward, 
Thomas Skespicks, 
Charles Kelley, 
James Cheesbrough, 
Jos. Lankfort, 
Jos. Smith, 
Joel Jones, died Jan. 
Daniel Conner, 
Daniel Hitt, 
William Pearce. 



17. 



DETACHED FROM WYLLYS' REGT. 
— CONN. 

Serjeant. 
John Benton. 

Privates. 

Simeon Linsey, 
Elisha Taylor, 
Seth Done, 
Richard Chamberlain, 



AUTHORITIES 



191 



DETACHED FROM WYLLYS REGT. 

— CONN, (continued). 
Privates. 
Timothy Hubbert, 
Samuel Fails, 
Oliver Burnham, 
Asa Barns, 
Thomas Holmes, 
hevy Latimer. 

DETACHED FROM C. WEBB'S REGT. 
— CONN. 

Serj'ea7its. 
David Thorp, 
Samuel Laes. 

Privates. 
Samuel Peck, 
Elisha Hovrel, 
Elisha Judson, 
William Jones, 
Elisha Peck, 

Samuel Bobbins, died Jan. 14. 
Thomas Herdike, 
David Beauel, 
Samuel Smith, 
James Bugbee, 
Roger Blaisdel, 
Hull Curtiss, 
Zephaniah Cumraings, died Feb. 

7. 
Thomas Cook, 
Benjamin Devenport, 
Thomas Fargo, 
Elihu Grant, 
Timothy Hodges, 
Samuel Hale. 



DETACHED FROM CHESTER S 
REGT. — CONN. 

Serjeants. 
Abijah Read (Canterbury), died 

Jan. 28. 
Perese Ainsworth. 



Privates. 
Jacob Pettibone, 
Ruf us Downing, 
Rufus Hibbert, 
Jedediah Dyer, died Jan. 20. 
Abner Adams, 
John Waid, 
Philip Williams, 
John Trarveret, 
Thomas Stone, 
Timothy Cady, 
Pender Jenison, 
Philip Abbott, 
Edward Hughes, 
John Hobbs, 
Luman Long, 

Richard Parsons, died Jan. 19. 
Hezekiah Wadsworth, 
Aden Marcey, 
John Miner, 
William Woodward, 
John Cooks, 
Josiah Underwood, 
John Adams, died Jan. 16. 



DETACHED FROM SARGENT' 
REGT. — MASS. 

Serjeants. 
Frederick Putnam, 
John Rains. 

Corporals. 
Niles Beckwith, 
Josiah Macomber. 

Privates. 
Nath'l Turner, 
Daniel Griswold, 
Joseph Goodrich, died Dec. 2. 
Joseph Spencer, died Nov. 2. 
William Scott, 
Nicholas Ashley, 
Aaron Pettibone, 
Samuel Silsby, 



192 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

DETACHED FROM sargent's Bama How, 

REGT. — MASS. (continued). William Crowfoot, 

Privates. John Mores, 

William Woodward, Aaron Woodward, 

Levy Proctor, John Taylor, 

Israel Sheldon, Barna Allien, died Nov. 28. 

Eliphalet Mason, Joshua Wright. 

[The foregoing list includes only those who were taken prisoners. 
There were doubtless a considerable number of others who were in the 
action, but who afterwards returned to their regiments, such as Serjt. 
Stephen Hempstead, New London, of Webb's Regt., a "Ranger," 
wounded at Harlem Heights; Serjt. Nehemiah Holt, whom tradition 
places by the side of Knowlton when he fell; Frederick Knowlton, 
the Colonel's son, who states in his pension papers that on his father's 
death he was obliged to return to his home ; Corp. George Wilson, etc.] 

Note. — The year of the deaths noted above is not given. They 
occurred before Nov., '78. 

[From Connecticut Kevolutionary Record, Adjutant-General's Office, 
Hartford, 1887.] 



No. 40 

PARTIAL LIST OF AMERICAN CASUALTIES EST THE HAR- 
LEM HEIGHTS ENGAGEMENT 

Officers 

sJ Lieut. -Colonel Thomas Knowlton, Rangers, mortally- 
wounded. 
Major Andrew Leitch, Third Virginia, mortally wounded. 
Captain Micaijah Gleason, Nixon's Mass., killed. 
Lieut. Noell Allen, Varnum's R. I., killed. 
Captain Lowe, Ewing's Maryland, wounded. 

Hank and File 

Serjt. Josiah Waight, Nixon's, killed. 
Corp. John Maung, " " 



AUTHORITIES 193 

Private James Townshend, Nixon's, killed. 
" Thomas Ryue, " prisoner. 

" Dennis Lines, Varnum's, killed. 
" John McCoy, " " 

" Samuel Britton, " " 

Serjt. John Porter, Hitchcock's R. I., killed. 
Private James White, " " " 

" Joseph West, " " " 

" Thomas Jones, " " " 

" David Wilson, " " " 

" John Cain, " " missing. 

Serjt. John McLarty, Little's Mass., prisoner. 
Private Elisha Sampson, Bailey's Mass., mortally wounded. 
William Weathers, " " " " 

Job Churchill, " " missing. 

David Hoskins, " " " 

Zebediah Sampson, " " " 

Abel Thrasher, " " " 

Asa Hunt, " " " 

Hackett, Sargent's Mass., killed. 

Herbert, " " prisoner. 

O'Brien, " " " 

Alexander, " " " 

Serjt. John Beach, Douglas' Conn., missing. 
Private Titus Mix, " " killed. 

" William Meriams, Douglas' Conn., killed. 
" Robert Ashbo, Tyler's Conn., " 

" James Christa, Holman's Mass., " 

[Force's Archives, Fifth Series, Vol. III., pp. 717-22.] 
o 



194 



BATTLE OF HAKLEM HEIGHTS 



No. 41 

MEMORANDA IN REGARD TO THE RANGERS AND PRISON- 
ERS IN NEW YORK FROM LIEUT. OLIVER BABCOCK'S 
DIARY AND PENSION CLAIMS 



Strength of the Companies 



Oct. 10, 1776. 




Oct. 20, 171 


'6. 


[Lieut.] Pope 


45 men 


Ca 


.pt. 


Holmes 


28 men 


" Hender 


26 


[Lieut.] 


Bacon 


15 


Officers 


18 


(( 




Hender 


24 


" Bacon 


15 


(( 




Grant 


39 


« Holms 


30 






Officers 


14 


" Grant 


40 
174 


(( 




Babcock 


43 
163 



Receipts 
Nov. 2, 1776. 

Rec*? of Lt. Babcock Fifty Shillings 10^ i L. M., same 
money due to the Company under my command in the 
Ranging service for the first fortnight in said service. 
Pr. Theo. Hender, Com*^ Sd Co. 



Nov. 2, 1776. 

Rec*? of Lt. Babcock Three pounds | L. M., same money 
for the Company of Rangers commanded Late by Capt. 
Hale. Tho' Updike Fosdick, 

Ensign. 

Harlem, Oct. 29, 1776. 

Rec^ of Lieut. Babcock Fifty Seven Shillings and ^d 

L. M. in full for same money due to my Company while 

in the Ranging Service. 

Pr Stephen Brown, 

Capt. 



AUTHORITIES 195 

Nov. 2, 1776. 

Rec*^ of Lt. Babcock three pounds, 8s, 9d, same money 
for the Rangmg Company under any Command. 

Lemuel Holmes, 

Capt. 

Statements in Pension Claims 

Lieut. Abner Bacon says : " I was selected as one 
of the Rangers and served under the intrepit Lt. Col. 
Knowlton, and was in the engagement on York Island 
when he fell a victun to the enemy." 

David Thorp, of Woodbury, Conn., belonged to Col. 
Charles Webb's Continental Regiment, and served first 
near Boston. In the spring of 1776 he was detailed to go 
with Genl Lee to the Southern States, as one of his Life 
Guard. They accomplished " the tedious march of 1000 
miles " and then returned to New York city. After the 
Battle of Long Island, Thorp speaks of his service as 
follows : 

" There was orders to raise a company of ' Rangers ' of 
150. I was one of them as an orderly Sergeant — About 
this [time] the enemy landed on York Island and the 
next day after they landed, we had a very severe battle 
with the enemy, which was called the 'Monday fight' — 
We, and brave commander Colonel who fell in the battle 
— He did not say ' go boys,' but, ' come boys,' and we 
always were ready and willing to follow him, and until he 
fell within six feet where I was — He begged to be moved 
so that the enemy should not get possession of his body — 
I was one who helped put him on the soldiers shoulders 
who carried him off — He expired in about one hour — 
After this we remained between the lines until late in the 
fall & had a great many severe scrimages with the 



196 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

enemy — At length the enemy crossed at Frog's Point, 
and went up to White Plains, then returned back across 
King's Bridge & hem^ us in : we was obliged to resort to 
Fort Washington. The Fort was immediately given up 
on the 16 of November — There was nothing to be seen 
or heard among the soldiers but crying, swearing, and 
cursing that the Fort was given up, which was then near- 
est to N. Y. city — We was then put on board the prison 
ship where I remained about two months ; here I saw the 
most barbarous, inhuman, & wicked conduct that ever 
could be invented by man — I saw hundreds die with 
hunger, a shocking death — them that lived underwent 
every thing but death. The Bo^sen [Boatswain] came 
down every morning with rope in hand, [unintelligible] 
' is there any dead Yankees here ? ' if there was any so 
weak that they could not get off his way, they felt the 
rope on their backs. Our food for four days in the week 
each day was some oatmeal full of worms, scalded, made 
very thin, put into a wooden dish, about three pints for 
eight men; the other three daj'-s, two ounces salt beef a 
man with a little hard biscuit; if by chance we got a beef 
bone, we were rich, it was cracked & pounded; every 
mite was eaten. At one time we were refused fresh 
water for three days ; a Sentinel set over the water cask, 
then every man drank as he pleased — A great many 
being so weak and thirsty, drank 'till they died — this 
was not for the quantity of water. 

" At length came orders that we would be released by 
signing a parole not to take up arms until exchanged — 
We very readily accepted the offer, & came out about the 
middle of January — I got as far as Norwalk being unable 
to get no farther, now 40 miles to my home — My people 
soon heard the good news, came & carried me home — It 



AUTHORITIES 197 

was four weeks before I could cross the room & six 
months before I could perform any kind of business." 

William Steward, of Col. S. H. Parsons' regiment 
states that " he was in the Battle of Long Island and two 
or three days thereafter was permitted to volunteer as one 
of the 'Rangers' under Colo. Knowlton from Conn, who 
were to range between the hostile armies. . . . He was with 
Colo. Knowlton when he was killed, and after his death the 
' Rangers ' were commanded by Capt. Holmes and Major 
Colburn, and he thinks part of the time by some other 
officer, but is not distinct in his recollection as to the name 
of all the officers that were in command after Col° Knowl- 
ton's decease. While with the Rangers he was employed 
at Harlem, and on the 27 Oct" 1776 he was in the Skir- 
mish in Harlem, and commanded a company of Rangers 
that day. That the 16"* day of November he was taken 
prisoner at Fort Washington, between Kings Bridge and 
N. Y. city, by the Hessian division of the British army, 
carried to N. Y. city where he remained a prisoner until 
Jany 5, 1777 when he with others was paroled and arrived 
at home about Feby 10 — His health was so much im- 
paired that he was unfit for service and remained so until 
June — He ascribed his sickness to the extreme cruelty of 
the British, during his confinement on board the Prison 

Ship." 

[Statement summarized in the Pension Bureau.] 

Oliver Burnham,i of Col. Wyllys' Regiment, Conn, 
states that after marching from Boston to New York " he 
went on to Long Island, was in the battle at Flatbush in 
August and returned to New York, was in the battle at 
Harlem Heights (Col. Knowlton then commanded and 

1 See Judge Burnham's letter on the Battle of Harlem Heights, 
Document No. 33. 



198 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

was killed — was shot down within a yard of the sub- 
scriber), continued with the troops until about the IB"* 
November, 1776, when he was taken prisoner at Fort 
Washington, put on board of a British ship (called the 
Dutton) & thence (being taken sick) was sent to the 
Hospital at the Methodist Meeting House in New York, 
remained there 2 or 3 weeks & then was permitted to live 
out of the Hospital, & remained until the middle of Feb- 
ruary 1777, when he took ' Scotch leave ' and escaped, 
returning to his father's house in Cornwall, Conn." 

[From MSS. Documents, Pension Bureau, Washington, D. C] 



No. 42 

EXTRACTS FROM MSS. DIARY OF LIEUT. OLIVER BAB- 
COCK, OF KNOWLTON'S rangers, KEPT WHILE PRIS- 
ONER IN NEW YORK 

Nov. 16 [1776] Fort Washington was Taken. 

17 Staid at Harlim fasting. 

18 Came to York and Lodged in ye Meeting house. 

20 Went to see the Prisoners. 

21 walked about Town. 

22 Dealt pots [rations ?] to ye prisoners. 

23 Went to Mr. Volentines, Drew the officers Bots 

[obscure] . 

24 Collected some Returns and waited for Pro- 

vision — wrote 2 Letters. 

25 Drew Provision and Divided. 

26 found 2 poor Prisoners Ded in prison — Din'd 

at Anells (?) 

27 Drew provy'ion for 352 (?) — Rainy. 



AUTHORITIES 199 

28 Drew Rice, peas & Butter for soldiers in y* 

North Ch — and counted them. 

29 Drew wood for the prisoners in North Church. 

30 Drew Provision & Divided it — the Serj't. as- 

sisted me — Major Wells set out. 
Dec. 1 Mr. James Avery came to see me — Eat broiled 
Turnips. 

2 Went to Mr. Loring — get the Proclimation. 

3 Went to fly market & Bought fish — also Bou't 

soap — Rainy weather. 

4 went to Mrs. Smiths & to see Doctor holms — 

Drew y* Beef — no news. 
6 went to Mrs. goodwin's — got breakfast. 

6 Cut wood — my part |. 

7 Saw'd wood & cut — the Ships went up the 

River — my part f L money. 

8 Sunday went to Mrs. goodwins to Breakfast — 

uncle Avery came to see me — Supped on 
sasages at Mrs. granediers (?). 

9 Went several times to go on Board ship — fell 

in Company with Col. Allen — went to Mrs. 
Spooners. 

10 went on Board the Dutton & Grovner ships 

and carried some Cloths to the poor prisoners. 

11 went to see Lt. Brewster — shoemaking — Mr. 

Stratten arriv'd. 

12 Snowy wet weather — fetch'd a Bottle wine for 

Doctor holms — Began to write Coppies. 

13 went to see the sick at the Quaker meeting 

house — Wilson & Vanderpool — & Bought 
Turnips — went with Lieut. Stratten, Capt. 
Gilbert. 

14 Clear and Cold — Capt. Dewitt tells good news. 



200 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

15 Being Sunday Drew Provisions for the Officers 

& Divided it our Quarters — Clear and Cold, 
heard the news that Gen' Lee is taken. 

16 attended Col. Clark's Funeral. 

17 Clear and Cold : mended our fire Place — Built 

a new Back. 

18 Clear and Cold — Drew the Provisions all but 

Bread — went twice after that. 

19 had a Touse for Bread with Mr. White — had 

the Bread Changed — Clear and Cold. 

20 Snow — much Touse with Doctor Keyes having 

Small Pox &c. — Din'd with Mr. Walker the 
Baker, good eells & good cheese &c. — Car- 
ried my shirt & frock to Mrs. Goodwin to 
wash — Snowy and rainy. 
22 Sunday clear and pleasant. . . . Old Doctor 
Mix says he is going out. 

24 Drew provision & was exchanged by Mr. Loring. 

25 went on board the ships glasco, James Craig 

master — Dined with Mrs. Cassender in Com- 
pany Lieut. Stratten. 

26 got 1 Dozen wine for y' Sick — Rainy icey 

weather — wind N. East. Bot Bread & spilt 
it in the Dark. 

27 Set sail from N. York & came up to Blackwells 

point, Dropt anchor, went Longsland [L. I.] 
shore & Buried 7 men. 

28 Went up to hallets Cove — went on shore & 

Buried 2 Dead. 
29, 30, 31 Lay at Hallets Cove, wind N.E. — 
went on shore — Buried the Dead — Bought 
1 sheep Cost 24s 9d L. M., also 20 gallons 
molasses at 3/ L. M. 



AUTHORITIES 201 

Jan. 1, 1777 set sail — came thro' Hell gate — came 
to anchor about 4 miles above at the Island 
2 Brothers — wind southerly, very heavy 
and rain — Drove into a Bay on Westchester 
shore — struck a Rock, got of safe. 

2 Wind at N. West — sail'd to Milford [Conn.], 

Came to anchor in y' Harbour about 3 
o'clock. 

3 Landed our poor sick men at Milford, &c. 
[From Milford, Lieut. Babcock went, by way 

of New Haven and Middletown, to Hart- 
ford.] 

7 Was admitted in to Both houses of Assembly 

and Related the sufferings of my poor fellow 
prisoners at New York. 

8 ... Set out from Norwich and arrived at my 

own house — found my family well. Oh 
that I may Live to honour and praise God 
all the days of my Life for his great Deliver- 
ance in Bringing me from under the Iron 
Rod of my enemies from the Land of Tyranny 
and Bondage : that he has kept me from fall- 
ing a sacrifice to their vengeance. 
I am delivered from Captivity. O Bless the 
Lord O my Soul and let his Name be Praised 
for ever. 

[From Original MSS. in Pension Bureau, Washington, D. C] 

Lieutenant Babcock had contracted the small-pox in 
New York and died at his home, January 24, 1777. Two 
of his children soon after died of the same disease. 



202 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

No. 43 

SIB "WILLIAM HOWE TO LORD GEEMAIN 

Head Quarters, York Island, Sept. 21, 1776. 
My Lord 

I have the satisfaction to inform your Lordship of his 
Majesty's troops being in possession of the city of New York. 

Upon the rebels abandoning their lines at Brooklyn, the 
King's army moved from Bedford, leaving Lieut. Gen. 
Heister encamped upon the Heights of Brooklyn with two 
Brigades of Hessians, and one Brigade of British at Bed- 
ford, and took five positions in the neighbourhood of New- 
town, Bushwick, Hell Gate, and Flushing. 

The two islands of Montresor and Buchannan were 
occupied, and batteries raised against the enemy's work at 
Home's Hook, commanding the passage at Hell Gate. 

On the 15th inst. in the morning three ships of war 
passed up the North River as far as Bloomingdale, to 
draw the enemy's attention to that side ; and the first 
division of troops consisting of the light infantry, the 
British reserve, the Hessian grenadiers and chasseurs, 
under the command of Lieut. Gen. Clinton, having with 
him Lieut. Gen. Earl Cornwallis, Major Gen. Vaughan, 
Brig. Gen. Leslie, and Colonel Donop, embarked at the 
head of New Town Creek, and landed about noon upon 
New York Island, three miles from the town, at a place 
called Kepp's Bay, under the fire of two forty gun ships 
and three frigates, viz. Phcenix, Roebuck, Orpheus, Carys- 
fort, and Rose, Commodore Hotham having the direction 
of the ships and boats. 

The rebels had troops in their works round Kepp's Bay ; 
but their attention being engaged in expectation of the 



AUTHORITIES 203 

King's troops landing at Stuyvesant's Cove, Horen's 
Hook, and at Harlem, which they had reason to conclude, 
Kepp's Bay became only a secondary object of their care. 
The fire of the shipping being so well directed and so 
incessant, the enemy could not remain in their works, and 
the descent was made without the least opposition. The 
conduct of the officers of the navy do them much honor; 
and the behaviour of the seamen belonging to the ships of 
war and transports employed to row the boats, was 
highly meritorious. Much praise in particular is due to 
the masters and men of six transports, that passed the 
town on the evening of the 14th under a heavy fire, being 
volunteers, to take troops on board for the more speedy 
disembarkation of the second division. 

The British immediately took post upon the command- 
ing height of Inclenberg, and the Hessians moving towards 
New York, fell in with a body of the rebels that were 
retiring from Stuyvesant's Cove, some firing ensued, by 
which a Brigadier General, other officers, and several men 
of the rebels were killed and wounded, with the loss of 
four men killed, and eight wounded on the part of the 
Hessians. As soon as the second embarkation was 
landed, the troops advanced towards a corps of the enemy 
upon a rising ground three miles from Inclenberg, towards 
Kings-bridge, having McGowan's pass in their rear, upon 
which they immediately retired.to the main body of their 
army upon Morris's Height. The enemy having evac- 
uated New York soon after the army landed, a brigade 
took possession of the works in the evening. The 
prisoners made in the course of this day were about 20 
officers and 300 men. 

The position the King's army took, on the 15th in the 
evening, was with the right to Horen's Hook, and the 



204 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

left at the North River near to Bloomingdale ; the rebel 
army occupying the ground with extensive works on both 
sides of King's bridge, and a redoubt with cannon upon a 
height on the west side of the North River opposite to the 
Blue Bell, where the enemy have their principal work ; in 
which positions both armies still continue. 

On the 16th in the morning a large party of the 
enemy having passed under cover of the woods near to 
the advanced posts of the army by way of Vanderwater's 
Height, the 2^ and 3"^ battalions of light infantry, sup- 
ported by the 42"** regiment pushed forward, and drove 
them back to their entrenchments, from whence the 
enemy observing they were not in force, attacked them 
with near 3000 men, which occasioned the march of the 
reserve with two field pieces, a battalion of Hessian grena- 
diers and a company of chasseurs, to prevent the corjas 
engaged from being surrounded; but the light infantry 
and 42""^ regiment with the assistance of the chasseurs 
and field pieces repulsed the enemy with considerable 
loss, and obliged them to retire within their works. The 
enemy's loss is not ascertained; but from the accounts 
of deserters it is agreed, that they had not less than 300 
killed and wounded, and among them a colonel and a 
major killed. We had eight ofiScers wounded most of 
them very slightly; fourteen men killed and about 70 
wounded. 

Maj. Gen. Vaughan was slightly wounded in the thigh 
on the IS"" by a random shot, as he was ascending the 
heights of Inclenberg with the grenadiers ; and I have 
the pleasure of informing your Lordship that Lieut. Col. 
Monckton is so well recovered, he has been walking about 
some days. 
[Upcott Collection, IV., 410, N. Y. Historical Society, Jay Pamphlet.] 



AUTHORITIES 205 

No. 44 

FROM Stewart's sketches of the Highlanders 

After the escape of the enemy, active operations were 
resumed on the 15th of September ; and the reserve, 
which the Royal Highlanders had rejoined after the 
action at Brooklyn, crossed over the island to New York, 
three miles above the town, and, after some opposition, 
took post on the heights. The landing being completed, 
the Highlanders and Hessians, who were ordered to ad- 
vance to Bloomingdale, to intercept the enemy, now 
retreating from New York, fell in with and captured a 
corps of New England men and Virginians. That night 
the regiment lay on their arms, occasionally skirmishing 
with the enemy. On the 16"* the light infantry were sent 
out to dislodge a party of the enemy, which had taken 
possession of a wood facing the left of the British. The 
action becoming warm towards the evening, and the 
enemy pushing on reinforcements, the Highlanders were 
sent to support the light infantry, when the Americans 
were quickly driven back to their entrenchments. Per- 
ceiving that our force was small, they returned to the 
attack with 3000 men ; but these were likewise repulsed, 
with considerable loss. In this affair our loss was 14 
killed, and 6 officers and 70 men wounded. 
[Jay Pamphlet.] 



No. 45 

from historical record of the forty-second, or 
the royal highland, regiment of foot 

Having completed the capture of Long Island, the 
army crossed the river in the middle of September; the 



206 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

Royal Highlanders being with the leading division, landed 
above New York, and made a movement towards Bloom- 
ingdale, to intercept the retreating Americans, when a 
corps of Virginians and New England men were captured. 
The Highlanders passed the night under arms, occasion- 
ally skirmishing with the enemy ; and the commanding 
officer Major William Murray, narrowly escaped being 
made prisoner. He was passing from the light infantry 
battalion, to the regiment, and was beset by an American 
officer and two soldiers, whom he kept at bay some time, 
but they eventually closed upon him and threw him down ; 
he was a stout man of great strength of arm, and he 
wrenched the sword out of the American officer's hand, 
and made so good use of it that his antagonists fled, 
before several men of the regiment, who heard the noise, 
could come to his assistance. 

On the following day the regiment was ordered to 
support the light infantry engaged in a wood, and took 
part in driving a numerous body of Americans to their 
intrenchments. The enemy renewed the conflict with 
augmented numbers, and sustained another repulse with 
a severe loss in killed and wounded. This being only 
an affair of out-posts, no detailed account of it was given ; , 
but it was a well-contested action. The Forty-second 
had one Serjeant and three rank and file killed ; Captains 
Duncan McPherson and John Mcintosh, Ensign Alexander 
McKenzie (who died of his wounds), three Serjeants, one 
piper, two drummers, 47 rank and file wounded. 

[Jay Pamphlet.] 



AUTHORITIES 207 



No. 46 

CAPT. GEORGE HARRIS OF THE FIFTH BRITISH REGIMENT 
TO HIS UNCLE 1 

After landing in York Island, we drove the Americans 
into their works beyond the eight mile-stone from New 
York, and thus got possession of the best half of the 
island. We took post opposite to them, placed our pic- 
quets, borrowed a sheep, killed, cooked, and ate some of it 
and then went up to sleep on a gate, which we took the 
liberty of throwing off its hinges, covering our feet with an 
American tent, for which we should have cut poles and 
pitched, had it not been so dark. 

The 16th of September we were ordered to stand to our 
arms at eleven a.m. and were instantly trotted about 
three miles (without a halt to draw breath), to support a 
battalion of light infantry, which had imprudently ad- 
vanced so far without support as to be in great danger of 
being cut off. This must have happened, but for our 
haste. So dangerous a quality is courage without pru- 
dence for its guide ; with it, how noble and respectable it 
makes the man. But to return to our narrative. The 
instant the front of our columns appeared, the enemy 
began to retire to their works, and our light infantry to 
the camp. On our return we were exposed to the fire of 
the Americans. A man in my company had his hat shot 
through nearly in the direction of my wound, but the ball 
merely raised the skin ; and in the battalion on our left a 
man was shot so dead when lying on the ground, that the 

^ Capt. Harris was now serving with the Grenadiers. The Fifth 
Regt. was not engaged at Harlem Heights. 



208 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

next man did not perceive it, but when he got up to stand 
to his arms, kicked his comrade, thinking he was asleep, 
and then found, to his great surprise, that he was quite 
dead, a ball having entered under the ear, and very little 
blood having issued from it. 

Before we started in the morning, our dinner, consisting 
of a goose and piece of mutton, had been put on the fire. 
The moment we marched, our domestic deposited the 
above named delicacies on a chaise, and followed us with 
it to our ground. When the fight was over, he again 
hung the goose to the fire, but the poor bird had been 
scarcely half done, when we were ordered to return to our 
station. There again we commenced cooking, and though 
without dish, plate, or knife did ample justice to our fare, 
which we washed down with bad rum and water, and then 
composed ourselves to rest on our friendly gate. Our 
baggage joined us the next day. 

[Lushington's Life of Lord Harris, p. 78.] 



No. 47 

FROM STEDMAN'S HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN WAR 

On the morning of the 16th September, a detachment 
was sent out from the main body of the Americans to a 
wood facing the left flank of the English army. Three 
companies of our light infantry were dispatched to dis- 
lodge them. The enemy, with a seeming intention of 
retreating to the main body, retired into the interior parts 
of the wood, where they were reinforced by another detach- 
ment ; which made it necessary that the remainder of the 
light infantry, with the 42nd regiment, should be sent to 



AUTHORITIES 209 

support the companies that were engaged. The action 
was carried on by reinforcements on both sides, and be- 
came very warm. The enemy, however, possessed a great 
advantage from the circumstance of engaging within half 
a mile of their intrenched camp, whence they could be 
supplied with fresh troops as often as occasion required. 
Victory, nevertheless, was on the part of the loyalists ; and 
the Americans retreated with the loss of three hundred 
killed and wounded. 



No. 48 

GENERAL HOWE'S ORDERS AS GIVEN IN ORDERLY BOOK 
OF THE BRIGADE OF GUARDS 

Head Qu!' New York Island, 17"i Sept^ 1776. 
Parole Blaney. Countersign Marlborough. 

A return of killed wounded and missing on the 15"' & 
16* Ins' to be given in to-morrow at orderly Time dis- 
tinguishing the loss of each day. 

The Com" in Chief entertains the highest opinion of 
the Bravery of the few troops that yesterday beat back 
a verry superior Body of the Rebels, and he desires to 
return Thanks to the Batt° and to the Officers and Men 
of the Artillery that came to their support, with that 
expedition which so strongly marks the prevailing spirit 
in the Army, and which properly tempered must always 
insure Success to his Majesty's arms. But at the same 
time he finds himself under a necessity of disapproving 
want of attention in the Light Companies pursuing the 
Rebels without that proper Discretion to be observed 
when there is not troops to support. 



210 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

Orders. Sept. 21^ 1776. 

. . . The Hessian Chasseurs being by accident omitted 
in the thanks of the 17"", the Gen'l is happy to take the 
earliest opportunity of acknowledging their alertness & of 
thanking them for their great readiness to support the 
Light Infantry. 

[From MSS. Orderly Book, in N. Y. Historical Society Library.] 



No. 49 

LETTER FROM NEW YORK, DATED SEPTEMBER 23", 1776 

The army landed on the IS"" of Sept. at the house of 
Mr. Foxcroft, Postmaster General, in Kip's Bay. The 
troops immediately took possession of the house of Mr. 
Robert Murray, the Quaker's House on Inkling Barrack, 
a very strong point. Mr. Washington's men were driven 
from the posts they possessed as far as the Hill, with a 
Hollow way on its right, about 3 miles short of Mount 
Morris [161°' St.] at which place and near the Blue Bell 
[Fort Washington], which is three miles from King's 
Bridge, they are strongly posted. Gen. Howe's Head 
Quarters are at Lt. Col. James Beekman's House on the 
East River near Turtle Bay. His troops are throwing up 
intrenchments from Jacob Walton's country seat at Horn's 
Hook at Hell Gate across the whole Island to Humphrey 
Jones House on the North River. 

[From the St. James Chronicle, London, Nov. 16, 1776.] 



AUTHORITIES 211 

No. 50 

JOURNAL OF LIEUTENANT-COLONEL STEPHEN KEMBLE, 
DEPUTY-ADJUTANT-GENERAL BRITISH FORCES 

Sunday^ Sept. 15'* [1776]. About 9 in the Morning the 
Reserve, 33d and 42d Regiments excluded, embarked in Flat 
lioats in Newtown Creek. The rest of the Army marched 
to the point of Land opposite to Kipp's Bay and embarked 
there, the 1st Brigade and 71st excepted, who were left 
at Hell Gate. About 12 the whole first Landing pulled 
to the Shore, consisting of the Reserve and Donop's Corps, 
covered by two 40 Gun Ships and three Frigates, whose 
fire was both terrible and pleasing, and so terrible to the 
Rebels that they dare not come within half a Mile of the 
Shore instead of defending their Lines on the Shore. As 
we were going on Shore we saw a party of about 500 hun- 
dred Rebels, who were marching in great haste to take 
possession of their Works in the Rear of Stuyvesant's 
House ; suppose them to be the People that afterwards 
fell in with the Hessians. The Light Infantry landed 
upon the Right of the Bay, got up a Rock, the Grenadiers, 
&c, in it; the Light Infantry took possession of the Post 
on their Right; the Grenadiers, 33d and 42d Marched 
thro' to Inclenberg Hill, and the Hessians of the left, 
where they met with a party of the Rebels, of whom they 
Killed 30 or 40 and took about 60 Prisoners. The Grena- 
diers met with a small party and exchanged a few shot, 
Maj. Gen. Vaughan the only person Wounded and that 
Slightly. Our loss the whole day about 3 killed and 16 or 
18 wounded. The advance of our Army Marched to the 
Black Horse, and across from thence by Apthorp's House 
to North River, and had very near cut off IMr. Putnam's 



212 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

Retreat, who brought off the Rebel Rear Guard from New 
York, most of whom and their Troops in general got off 
by the North River Road. 

On a Survey of their Works the Day after, find the 
whole Coast from Kipp's Bay to New York on the East 
River, and from New York to Little Bloomingdale [near 
Greenwich] on the North River, fortified with a Line of 
Entrenchment, except where the Marshes obstructed it, 
with a Chain of Redoubts and Works from [Judge] 
Jones's House, across the Island to Lespenard's and Mor- 
timer's [Mortier's] House by Bayard's Mount on which 
they have a Fort called Bunker's Hill, the only Work of 
any Consequence or strength on the Island, and tolerably 
well finished. It is made of Sod. All the rest of Works 
(which are innumerable) appear calculated more to amuse 
than for use. 

Monday^ Sept. 16'*. In the morning a Party of the 
Enemy showed themselves at Jones's House ; were in- 
considerately pursued by two Companies of Light Infantry 
who Engaged and drove a very Superior Body to a great 
distance, supported by 42d Regiment and some Light In- 
fantry; were fired at from a Breast work, and it not being 
thought proper to support them, were ordered to Retreat. 
1 Serjeant and 13 Privates Killed; 2 Majors, 2 Captains, 7 
Subalterns, 5 Serjeants, 3 Drummers, and 138 [Privates] 
Wounded. This day took possession of New York , found 
some Flour and other Stores of no great Consequence, with 
some Cannon in their Redoubts, but those of little use 
to us. 

General Robertson Ordered to take the Command in 
Town. 

["Kemble Papers," Collections N. Y. Historical Society (1883), 
Vol. L, p. 88.] 



AUTHORITIES 213 

No. 51 

LETTER FROM CAPTAIN WILLIAM G. EVELYN OF THE 

BRITISH LIGHT INFANTRY, TO HIS AUNT, MRS. BOS- 

COWEN, ENGLAND, DATED NEW YORK ISLAND, SEP- 
TEMBER 24, 1776 

From the time of our driving the rebels out of Long 
Island, they daily expected an attack upon York, and had 
so strengthened themselves with batteries and breastworks, 
that they looked upon a landing as impracticable. By the 
disposition General Howe had made of the troops, they 
were deceived as to the place where he intended to make 
the attack. On the night of the 14th, the boats were sent 
quickly up the river to a creek, opposite of which live 
men-of-war were stationed. We marched at the same 
time, and embarked in the morning. We rowed a con- 
siderable way up the river, higher than where we were to 
land, and made fast the boats to some transports till the 
whole should come up, by which the rebels were deceived, 
and drew themselves up in their works to receive us. On 
a certain signal we all pushed off together, and at the 
same instant the men-of-war began such a fire as nothing 
could withstand. The Light Infantry, in the headmost 
boats, gained a high and steep rock, which they ascended 
and secured a safe landing for the rest of the troops [at 
Kip's Bay]. They were followed by the Grenadiers, 
Hessians and Artillery, and afterwards by the body of the 
army. The rebels, upon the firing of the ships (which is 
not to be described), and upon seeing the troops gain the 
shore, fled in the greatest confusion. Their garrisons in 
New York abandoned it with the utmost precipitation. 



214 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

leaving their forts, their cannon, and a quantity of military 
stores, and that evening a brigade of ours took possession 
of the town. 

We advanced two or three miles, the rebels retiring 
before us, till they left us the ground which the General 
wished to occupy, which is a strong pass between the 
north and east rivers, about seven miles from New York 
[McGowan's Pass]. The rebels are on the opposite hills, 
and extend from thence to Kingsbridge, burying them- 
selves in entrenchments, in which they place their only 
security. The taking of the island and town of New York 
without any loss, though above fifty thousand men were 
prepared to defend them, must be considered as a consum- 
mate piece of generalship ; and the execution of it, be- 
tween the amazing fire from the shipping, the confusion 
and the dismay of the rebels, the Light Infantry clamber- 
ing up the steep and just accessible rocks, the water cov- 
ered with boats full of armed men pressing eagerly towards 
the shore, was certainl}'^ one of the grandest and most sub- 
lime scenes ever exhibited. This easy victory was not 
sufiicient to satisfy the eagerness and impetuosity of our 
men. 

The next day [the 16th], a few companies of Light 
Infantry were prompted to attack a party of the rebels, 
and with more ardour than discretion, pushed them to 
their very lines, where they were supported by their can- 
non, and by three or four thousand men. This obliged us 
to support our people and brought on a skirmish, in which 
we had nine or ten men killed, a few officers and about 
ninety men wounded, and [which] answered no other end 
than to prove our superiority even in their beloved woods, 
as the ground we gained we did not want, but went back 
at night to that we had left in the morning. 



AUTHORITIES 215 

CAPTAIN EVELYN TO HIS MOTHER, SEPT. 25th, 1776 

Since my last letter to you, we have had an action with 
the rebels, in which we totally defeated them, with great 
loss on their parts and very little on ours, and drove them 
entirely off Long Island. The part of the army in which 
I am was chiefl}* engaged. I was lucky enough to come 
off unhurt, but had six of my men killed and wounded. 
Those who escaped of the rebels retired to New York. 
On the 15th of this month, we attacked that island in our 
boats ; and notwithstanding they expected our coming, we 
landed under cover of the men-of-war, without losing a 
man, drove the rebels in great confusion to the further 
end of the island, and now keep possession of York and 
the countr}^ seven miles from it. 

[From "The Evelyns in America," edited by G. D. Scull. Printed for 
private circulation by Parker and Co., Oxford, England, 1881.] ^ 



No. 62 

VICE-ADMIRAL EARL HOWE TO MR. STEVENS. DATED 
"EAGLE," NEW YORK RIVER, SEPTEMBER 18, 1776 

I have the satisfaction of being able to inform their 
Lordships that a disposition having been made for landing 
the ainiy on York Island, on the morning of the IS"", the 
Captains Parker and Wallace, whose abilities and dis- 
tinguished resolution point them out for the most impor- 

^ In the same work, p. 321, there is this item in the journal of a 
British Officer : " Sept. \Qth — This day there was a smart action near 
Bloomingdale, in which the Light Infantry suffered ; but, on being 
supported by the reserve, under the Honble. Major-General Vaughan, 
the rebels were defeated with great loss." 



216 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

tant services, with the Captains Fanshaw, Hamond and 
Hudson, officers of great merit, passed the fire of the town 
of New York with their ships on the evening of the 13'\ 
to wait off Bushwyck Creek, opposite to Kepp's Bay, 
where the landing was proposed to be forced in the East 
River. . . . 

The pilots declining, on account of the strength of the 
tide, to take charge of the particular covering ships that 
were intended to be placed towards Hell-Gate for coun- 
tenancing the appearance of a descent on that part of the 
coast, all were placed in the Kepp's Bay on the morning 
of the 15'^ and having, by the effect of their well-directed 
fire, compelled the Rebels to quit their entrenchments 
upon the shore, the debarkation was made without further 
opposition. . . . 

In order to facilitate the operations of the army in the 
East River, another detachment of the ships of war was 
appointed by the General's desire, to proceed up the North 
River to give jealousy to the enemy on this side. The 
Renoun^ Captain Banks, with the Captains Davis and 
Wilkinson in the Repulse and Pearly were ordered for 
that purpose. They passed the enemy's battery without 
material injury early on the 15% to a station about six 
miles to the northward of the town. On the ensuing 
night the enemy directed four fire-vessels in succession 
against them, but with no other effect than of obliging the 
ships to move their stations, the Repulse excepted. The 
Renoun returned on this side the town, but the two frig- 
ates remain still in the North River, with the Tryal 
armed schooner, to strengthen the left flank of the army, 
extending to the western shore of York Island, as circum- 
stances will admit. 
[From Force's American Archives, Fifth Series, Vol. II., pp. 379-380.] 



AUTHORITIES 217 

No. 53 

LETTERS FROM OAPTAEST FRANCIS HUTCHESON, ASSISTANT 
SECRETARY TO SIR WILLIAM HOWE, TO A FRIEND IN 
ENGLAND ^ 

Camp at the Wateking Place on Statton Island, 
July 10, 1776. 
Bear Sir, 

I wrote you by the Packet that sailed on the 10* of last 
month, the day we sailed from Halifax, and have now the 
pleasure to acquaint you of the safe arrival of the fleet at 
Sandy Hook the 29 Ins' after an agreeable passage of 19 
days. We found Governor Tryon at the Hook on board 
the Dutches of Crordon ; he has with him Mr. Barrow, 
Mr. Kemp, Oliver Delancy, Mr. Apthorp & Major Beyard. 
The three last Gentleman made their escape in a Cannoe 
from Apthorp's house to the Assia lying below the Nar- 
row, about ten nights ago. Hugh & Alex! Wallace are 
hiding on Long Island, and Billy Bayard in Orange 
County. Captain Kennedy is at his house at Second 
River and every hour threatened with destruction. H. 
Wallace was taken up about three Weeks ago & brought 
before the commity on Long Island, from whom he found 
means to procure his discharge, otherwise he wou'd have 
been imprisoned. Mr. Prevost remains quiet at his house 
in the Jerseys ; the Governor & people here are surprised 
how he finds means to do it. 1 wish he had come off with 
other people. New York is deserted by all the inhabitants 
who are friends to Government, and it is now in possession 
of Washington & Lord Sterling at the head of about ten 
thousand Connecticut & New England Rebells ; they have 

1 This friend was doubtless Mr. John Mortier, as he speaks of his 
house art " Richmond Hill." 



218 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

fortified the town & all the hights on Long Island oppo- 
site to it. The fleet came up from the Hook opposite to 
the Little town of New Utrick in Gravesend Bay on Long 
Island the fii'st Ins' where a landing was intended but 
from a want of waters on the Island & the length of the 
March from thence to town it was (I believe) thought 
better to proceed through the Narrows and land on this 
Island, which was effected in the evening of the 2"'* Ins' 
without the least opposition. A few Riffle men made 
their escape on our aproach, and all the inhabitants have 
since come in to us and shew the Greatest Satisfaction 
on our Arrival, which has relieved them from the most 
horrid oprestion that can be conceaved. The few Rebels 
that were on this Island displayed at the hights in the 
Narrows the Continental Collours, which made us believe 
they had a good Battery on that Commanding Ground, 
but on our aproach, the Colours were pulled down, and 
the trifling brestwork that was thrown up we found 
deserted ; its immaising they did not fortify the Narrows, 
which would have anoyed us greatly; they fired a few 
shot on some of the ships as they came through from the 
Long Island side without doing any mischieff. The Army 
is now all landed and Cantooned all round the Island. 
The Head Q" is on the Road to lizabeth town [at] the 
House a Mf Hicks formerly lived in, but lately occupied 
by a Mf Banker of New York, who was a member of the 
Provincial Congress ; he is treated to a Q' on board one 
of the men of war, and General Howe has taken care to 
give orders for his Reception. Lord Percy commands the 
Troops in the center of the Island ; his Head Q" at Rich- 
mond. GenI Robertson with the first Brigade from the 
Landing along the Road to the Dutch church. General 
Picket with the second at the blazing star. Gen' Jones 



AUTHORITIES 219 

with the 3*? from the Dutch church to Eliz"? ferry. Gen! 
Grant with the forth Brigade on the road to Amboy. 
Brigadier Smith with the fifth Brigade, from the landing 
at the Watering place to the Narrows, and Brigadier 
Agnew with the P^ Brigade at Billop's ferry opposite to 
the tower of Amboy. Brigadf Cleaveland with the 
Artillery and broken Corps at and about the Watering 
place, near which I am incamped with the people em- 
ployed in the DT Q' Mf General's Department; Sherreff 
is with the General at Head Q". It is said our Army 
will remain in their present Cantoonment, untill the ar- 
rival of the Fleet from Europe under Lord Howe, which 
is hourly expected. The New Yorkers who are friends to 
Government are very apprehensive the New England men 
will set fire to the town, as soon as they find they can no 
longer keep possession of it. Mr Dogab [?] the once favor- 
ate at New York, is now in disgrace among them, and 
Donald Campbell was last week tried at Philadelphia by 
a Gen} Court Martial for his conduct in Canada; he is 
dismissed from his Dep?' Qr Mr Generals Appointment & 
Rank of Colonel in the Rebel Army, and is as much 
despised by them now, as he is by us. 

General Washington has taken up his Summer Quarters 
at your house on Richmond Hill ; his town Residence is 
General Robertsons, on the top of which they display 
the Continental Colours. Governor Franklin is made 
prisoner in his house at Amboy ; we are told there are 
thousands in the Jerseys will join us as soon as we get 
footing in that Province ; several partys have come over 
to us since our landing from Amboy and Schrosbury, with 
Capt. Stephenson late of our Regiment, and Lieu! Morris 
late of the 47 ^ Reg' on half pay. 



220 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

I have just now come from dining with Governor Tryon 
at Robertson's, where I met Barrow and all the Refugees. 
Barrow desires I will present you his best respects, they 
all remember you with great Regard ; he tells me its his 
opinion that nine out of the 13 Provinces will declare for 
Government before the last day of November. 

Camp at the Watering Place on Statton Island, 
July 28, 1776. 
Dear Sir, 

I wrote you the 8'^ [lO'."^ ?] of this month by Col. Blunt 
who sailed in the Packet with the Generals dispatches, 
and I now take the oppertunity of a ship to Ireland to 
inclose you a copy of Lord Howe's declaration which he 
published on his arrival the 12'^ Ins'. Just as he was com- 
ing thro' the Narrows, the ships was firing on, & passing 
New York. Little material has passed since ; numbers of 
people come every night from the Jerseys & Long Island, 
who tell us there were great discontents at the declaration 
of independance and that great numbers will join us at 
our geting footing at New York, Long Island, or the 
Jerseys, when they can get tons without Risque of being 
taken in the attempt. As I could not get the last New 
York Newspaper to send you, inclosed you have some 
extracts from it, which will shew you the lengths they 
have gone and what they have long aimed at. 

New Utrecht, Long Island 

August 26, 1776. 
Dear Sir, 

I have the pleasure to acquaint you that our Army 

landed on this Island in Gravesend Bay the 23*? Inst? 

without any opposition. The Light Infantry, Granidiers, 

& Donops Corps of Hessians & Highland Brigade took 



AUTHORITIES 221 

port that evening at Flat Bush where General Clinton 
commands ; the Head Q" was at the same time established 
here. We have now possession of all this part of the 
Island, from Denice's House at the Narrows, to Graves End 
Church ; the Hessian jaegers & our Light Infantry have 
had some skermeshing with the Rebels, who make their 
appearance at the Edge of the Wood, which you know 
runs across the Road between Mr. Axtel's House & the 
ferry ; the Rebels have burnt several Houses & all the 
corn on the scerts of the Wood. Several of the New 
York principal men who have been some time hiding have 
got to us, particularly Mr. Axtel & Beach. The Army 
will, I believe, move tomorrow, more towards the middle 
of the Island, when I hope more of the Inhabitants will 
join us ; there is not one hundred as yet, nor have we been 
able to collect as many Waggons with Horses, which you 
know is not more than one-fifth of what is necessary to 
move this Army. The fatigue I am obliged to go through 
is beyond conception but I will see it out. I write this 
Letter in expectation of an opportunity of sending it. 

Camp at Turtle Bay near New York, 
Sept. 2i, 1776. 
Dear Sir, 

On Sunday the 15'? Inst- the Army landed at Kipsis 
Bay from the opposite shore on Long Island, under the 
fire of four Men of War, and tho' the Rebels made a shew 
for some time of maning their extensive Works, they 
soon abandoned the whole, and fled to the Hights near 
the Blewbell above Harlem, where they have made some 
strong works, and still remain; our advanced post is at 
the Black Horse tavern and the Army is posted from 
the North to the East Rivers quite across the Country 
above Mr. Apthorps. We had but 4 kill'd & 14 wounded 



222 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

of the Hessian troops in this great success, but the next 
day (the 16'?") the Light Infantry advancing a little too 
far, were attacked by a large body by which we lost 9 
Kill'd & about 70 Wounded ; however they kept their 
ground till supported by the Granidiers and brought of all 
their wounded, killed 60 of the Rebells, and took about 51 
Prisoners — We immediately took possession of New York 
and all their Works which are numerous beyond descrip- 
tion. On the 21" at Night some Hellish Villians set fire 
to the town near the White Hall Slip ; the wind blowing 
hard drove the flames with such Rapidity that nothing 
could stop it, all that part of the town where Mr. Watts 
House stood, with the houses in Broadway & West side of 
Broad Street and all the North River as far as Vaux Hall 
is consumed. Kennedys, Halletts, Col. Reeds & two or 
three Houses joining are all that escaped as far as St. 
Pauls Church. What adds to the misfortune, they are 
chiefly the friends to government who have suffered ; 
several of the Villians have been detected, & have suffered 
the fate they deserve. I am sorry to acquaint you that 
your furniture left at Richmond Hill was not sold. M' 
Washington lived in the house all Summer and made use 
of it ; some of the tables & chairs he had in Gen! Robert- 
son's house & was consumed in it, and on the Night before 
we landed he quited Richmond hill, left it open, & the 
Rebells in their retreat, took many things out of it, and 
broke all the glasses. As soon as I could, I got a safe 
guard to it, which still remains, and everything left will 
be safe, a return of which I will send you & will dispose 
of the whole the best for your advantage. Both the 
Wallises are prisoners, & M" Wallace tells me they have 
the list of all was left in the house. 

[From the Haldiiuan MSS., British Museum.] 



AUTHORITIES 223 

No. 54 

FROM THE JOURNAL OF CAPT. JOHN MONTRESOR, ENGI- 
NEER AND AID TO HOWE 

The 16th Sept., 1776, the action on Vandewater's Height, 
near Harhxem, on New York Island, I procured two 3 
Pounders, Brass, with Lt : Wallace, Royal Artillery. No 
horses being near McGowns's, where the Guns were, had 
them hauled by hand, and brought into action to face the 
Enemy, who were attempting to cut off our Left, and get- 
ting round us between our Left and Hudson's River. 
The proposal was my own, and had its desired effect, no 
other Guns being in the Field, and 60 rounds from each 
were fired. 

[Collections of the N. Y. Historical Society, 1881, p. 121.] 



No. 55 

EXTRACTS FROM ORDER BOOK OF BRITISH GUARDS, 1776 

Sept. 20. All the facines and pickets to be carried to 
Jones's house near the North River and to 
Major Musgroves advanced post to the left 
of McGowan's House. 
21. A working party of 400 men will parade to 
morrow and march to McGowans House 

23. All remaining fascines to be sent to Jones' 

House 

24. The working party at McGowan's Hill to con- 

sist of 200 men only until further orders 

25. The working party at McGowans Hill will con- 

sist of 100 men only till further orders. 



224 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

Sept. 28. A working party of 100 men to parade at day- 
break on the Road to the right of Jones's 
House 
30. 50 more men to be added to the working party 
to the right of Jones's House 
Oct. 2. 100 facines with pickets to be sent as soon as 
possible to the Rock Redoubt on the Right 
of Jones's House 
4. A Corporal & 6 men to be posted this evening 
at gun firing by Capt. Emerick at the North 
River Shore near Little Bloomingdale to al- 
low no boats to ply without a proper pass ; a 
guide will conduct the relief in the morning 
6. 50 men only to work at Jones's House 
11. Lieut Gen. Earl Percy is to command on N. Y. 
Island & parts adjacent.^ 

[MSS. Book, N. Y, Historical Society.] 



No. 56 
HESSIAN ACCOUNT OF THE ACTION 

On the 16th of September quite a brisk fight took place 
on York Island. The Americans on the morning of this 

1 From the Mag. of Am. History, 1882 : 

" This is to certify that the Regiment Prince Hereditary of Hessian 
consisting of one Collonel, one Major, Two Capitains, Fifteen Subal- 
derns and five hundred ninty two Rank and file, included artillerie. 
Encamped at Bloumendall & the Estate of Mr Jones the 21 day of 
September 1776 and there furnished whit firewood from the same 
Estate to the 5 day of Decemb following 

B LUDEWIG 

Lf°. M°. Major 
Von Hackenberg 
Colonel " 



AUTHORITIES 225 

day sent from their camp a strong detachment which 
came out of the wood and attacked our left wing. The 
second and third regiments of Light Infantry supported 
by the 4'2d Regiment (Highlanders) moved out and drove 
the enemy back into their entrenchments. The latter did 
this intentionally to entice the pursuers deeper into the 
wood where a stronger division was already concealed for 
their support, computed at three thousand men. Gen. 
Leslie, who was in command of the British, soon encoun- 
tered a severe resistance. Col. von Donop as well as the 
British Regiments next in line to him received orders to 
move up to their support; the former moved up with his 
Yagers and the Grenadier battalion of Linsingen, while 
he sent off the two other grenadier battalions of von Block 
and von Minnigerode to occupy the defile on the road to 
King's Bridge. 

The Yagers who swarmed forward soon came into a 
hot contest on Hoyland's Hill — when, however, the Lin- 
singen battalion moved up to their support the Americans 
retired. The Yagers had eight wounded, among them 
Lt. Heinrichs. The Yagers and the battalions of Grena- 
diers bivouacked in the wood not far from Bloomingdale, 
and when the next morning the two other grenadier 
battalions came up to Donop with his brigade encamped 
here. The Hessians here helped the British out of the 
mire. Donop, usually so modest, says in his report to 
General von Heister : 

" But for my Yagers, two Regiments of Highlanders 
and the British infantry would have all, perhaps, been 
captured, for they were attacked by a force four times 
their number ; and Gen. Leslie had made a great blunder 
in sending these brave fellows so far in advance in the 
woods without support." 



226 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

On this occasion Capt' Wredon and Lorey especially- 
distinguished themselves — the former went twenty paces 
in advance of the Yagers in the firing line, and the latter 
shot down the leader of the hostile battalion, upon which 
they turned their backs and fled. 

The enemy lost about three hundred killed and wounded, 
among whom were Colonel Knowlton and Major Leitch 
both of whom died soon after of their wounds. Our loss 
amounted to 14 dead and 78 wounded — among the latter, 
7 English officers.^ 

[Translated from Die deutschen Hiilfstruppen im nordamerikanischen 
Befreiungskriege, 1776 bis 1783. Von Max von Elking, corresponding 
member N. Y. Historical Society. Jay Pamphlet.] 



No. 57 

FKOM REPORT OF MAJOR C. L. BAURMEISTER 

In detached Camp near Hell Gate 
24 Sept. 1776. 

On the 16th (Sept) the enemy encamped before Fort 
Washington in pretty good order; the left wing extend- 
ing to Harlem. From Fort Washington an entrenchment 
to King's Bridge, by which they secured a further retreat 
under the protection of the said fort. The English Light 
Infantry advanced too quickly on the retreat of the enemy 
and at Bruckland Hill fell into an ambuscade of four 
thousand men, and if the Grenadiers and especially the 
Hessian Yagers had not arrived in time to help them no 
one of these brave Light Infantry would have escaped. 
They lost 70 dead and 200 wounded — the enemy must 

^ From the Journal of General von Heister and the Diary of Cap- 
tain von Walzbnrg. 



AUTHORITIES 227 

have lost very severely, because no Yager had any ammu- 
nition left, and all the Highlanders had fired their last 
shot. A lieutenant of the Yagers, Henrichs, was wounded 
in the left side and also four Yagers. By the Parole of 
the IT"* Genl. Howe, noticing his satisfaction on the happy 
landing, found it necessary to recommend the corps under 
the command of General Leslie to be not only brave but 
more prudent. The British at Bloomingdale encamped 
in two lines. Some of the enemy's baggage and wagons 
with flour were taken. 

[From original MSS. in possession of the late Hon. George Bancroft. 
Jay Pamphlet. ] 



No. 58 

LIEUT. JOHN HEINRICHS TO A. L. SCHLOZER 

New York Island, in the district of Harlem, 5 English miles 
from the City of New York, and 100 yards from Hornhogk on the 
East River, Sept. 18, 1776. 

Last Sunday (Sept 15) we landed under the thunder- 
ing rattle of 5 men-of-war, in flat boats from Long Island, 
on New York Island, about 4 miles from New York city. 
As skirmishers we usually formed the advance-guard, etc. 
Briefly ; in the afternoon this part of the island was ours. 
But just as we were about going into quarters, the rebels 
caused a new alarm, and we were obliged to turn out. I had 
the right wing of the out-post; we marched towards King's 
Bridge, consequently I came close on the East River, which 
is lined Avith the finest houses. I had the pleasure of tak- 
ing possession of all these houses, together with the hostile 
battery, where I found 5 cannons ; the rebels all fled. All 
the houses were crammed with furniture, rural riches, and 



228 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

jewels; the people however had all fled, and left their 
slaves behind. But the next day one proprietor after 
another came back and joyful tears of gratitude rolled 
down the faces of these formerly happy people, when they 
found again their houses, fruits, cattle, and all their furni- 
ture, and heard from one that I had merely taken posses- 
sion for them, and delivered their property back to their 
hands. 

The next day the rebels 4000 men strong advanced 
against our out-posts, and we sustained a severe fire, until 
towards the afternoon, when they were driven away, as I 
afterwards heard; for at one o'clock I was compelled to 
withdraw, as I was shot by a rifle-ball in the left side 
of the breast 4 fingers distant from the heart. To whom 
could I more safely go, and who would receive me in a 
more friendly manner than they who had but yesterday 
called me their benefactor, their preserver? As I do not 
like noise, now still less than ever; I selected for myself, 
although I could have chosen palaces,-a small house on the 
East River, to which the widow of a New York preacher, 
Oglyby, had fled with a numerous family of children and 
step-children. Not far distant was the house or rather the 
palace of her old father, who had a storehouse full of porce- 
lain, wine, and brandy, but had lost nothing from it. 

All these people came back last evening; and the emo- 
tion I felt on seeing mother and children, grandfather and 
grandchildren, &c. down to the black children of the slaves, 
hugging and kissing each other, so affected my wound, 
that I got a fever in the night. Not to be thought of are 
the flatteries the good people showered on me which I did 
not deserve, as I acted only according to orders. 

[Translated from Schlozer's Briefwechsel meist historischen und poli- 
tischeu Inhalts, Vol. II., Part vii., p. 99. Jay Pamphlet.] 



AUTHORITIES 229 

No. 59 

EXTRACT FROM THE JOURNAL OP THE HESSIAN SOLDIER, 
JOHN REUBER, BELONGING TO RALL's GRENADIER 
REGIMENT IN 1776 

********* 

36. October^ the second Division under command of 
General Von Kniphausen with his fleet, arrived before 
New York, and landed and marched to Kingsbridge into 
camp. These were : 1. a cavalry Yager corps, 2. a de- 
tached Grenadier Bataillon, 3. the Wutginau Regiment, 
4. the Benning Rgrat. 5. the Wissenbach, 6. the Huyne, 
7. the Stein, 8. the Biinan Regm't. — 

4- Novhr.^ Rail's brigade marched to Kings bridge into 
camp near the Hessen regm'ts, which had just come from 
Hesse, and we 8 rgm'ts. (s. above) pitched our camp also 
here, in the night, and lay still, waiting for Fort Wash- 
ington to be taken, which is not yet. — 

15. Novhr.^ came the order from the Headquarters of 
the English General-field-marshal Clinton, that Fort Wash- 
ington should be captured by 4 attacks : 3 by the English 
and one by the Hessians. 1. General Matthews, 2. Col- 
lieutnant Stirling, 3. Lord Percy, 4. General Von Knip- 
hausen, near whom Col. Rail with his brigade had the 
avantgarde on the North-port, where the ship of war lies 
and is to protect the flank ; another ship of war lay at the 
South-haven and is to protect the English flank, when the 
thing comes off. 

17. Novhr.^ in the morning before day-break, all the 
regiments and corps were assembled, the Hessians on the 
right wing at the north-haven ; the English troops upon 
the left wing at the south-haven. When it was now day 



230 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

and the Americans perceived us, but nothing more very 
plainly, at once, these two ships of war, on both sides, 
made their master-strokes upon the fort, and we began at 
the same time on the land with cannon, and all the regi- 
ments marched forward up the hill and were obliged to 
creep along up the rocks, one falling down alive, another 
being shot dead. We were obliged to drag ourselves by 
the beech-tree bushes up the height where we could not 
really stand. At last, however, we got about on the top 
of the hill where there were trees and great stones. We 
had a hard time of it there together. Because they now 
had no idea of yielding, Col. Rail gave the word of com- 
mand, thus : ' All, that are my grenadiers, march for- 
wards ! ' All the drummers struck up a march, the 
hautboy-players blew. At once all that were yet alive 
shouted, ' Hurrah ! ' Immediately all were mingled to- 
gather, Americans and Hessians. There was no more 
fireing, but all ran forward pell-mell upon the fortress. 
Before we came up, the Americans had a trench about the 
fortress, as soon as we were within which, the order came 
to halt. Then the Americans had a mind to run out 
through us, but then came the command : ' Hold ! you are 
all prisoners of war.' The fort was at once demanded by 
Gen. V. Kniphausen. The Rebels were allowed two 
hours for capitulating ; when they were expired, the fort 
was surrendered to General V. Kniphausen with all the 
munitions of war and provisions belonging thereto, within 
and without the fort ; all guns and arms were to be laid 
down, and when all this was done, Ralls' reg't. and the old 
Lossberg, being made to form into two lines facing each 
other, they were required to march out between the two 
regiments and deposit their guns and other weapons. 
Then came the English and took them to New York into 



AUTHORITIES 231 

custody, and when the first transport was off, the second 
marched out of the citadel and was as strong as the first, 
and they also were conducted to New York into confine- 
ment. And when all this was got through with, it was 
night. Thus the Hessians took possession of the fort, and 
the rest marched again round to Kingsbridge into our old 
camp we had before stopped so long. Then came the 
order that the fort should be called, Fort Kniphausen. — 

[From Translation of the Original MSS. at Cassel. N. Y. Historical 
Society Papers.] 



No. 60 

EXTRACT FROM THE DIARY OF JOSEPH WIEDESHSLAT, 
ENSIGN IN THE HESSIAN CONTINGENT 

Nov. 10. Our brigade under Col. Rail, Col. Bose who first 
commanded us being sick, went to Kingsbridge, to rein- 
force Lieut.-Gen. von Knyphausen's division. Here there 
was a hard nut to crack. The enemy had built a fort, 
on a high, rocky mountain fortified by nature, which they 
named Fort Washington. Art was also employed to 
make it ver}'- strong. Without possession of this fort, no 
communication could be maintained with New York, nor 
could there be any further advance or any thought of 
quiet winter-quarters. 

11. Early in the morning at 5 o'clock, the whole divi- 
sion of His Excellency Gen. von Knyphausen moved out 
to attack this place. It began to rain hard however, and 
consequently nothing was done this time. 

14. Gen. Howe arrived with the whole army and en- 
camped about a mile behind us. Now another plan was 
made and the 



232 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

IS"" appointed for the attack. This pay has done 
honor to us Hessians, which every brave man can right- 
fully attribute to himself. At half-past five o'clock in the 
morning we went over Kingsbridge to York Island, 
namely the following regiments : Knyphausen, Huyn, 
Bienau, Rail, Lossberg and Waldeck, were joined by 
Wutginau and the grenadier battalion and formed two 
columns ; the column on the right consisted of Lossberg, 
Rail, the grenadier battalion, Kohler and Waldeck, was 
led by Col. Rail and was stationed in a wood until the 
appointed time. The column of the left consisted of the 
regiments — Wutginau, Knyphausen, Huyne, and Bienau 
and was led by Maj.-Gen. Schmid. His Excellency Lieut.- 
Gen. von Knyphausen commanded the whole attack, and 
he was at all times to be found where the resistance and 
the attack were hottest, and he himself laid hold of the 
fences to take some of them down and to spur on the 
men. He was exposed to the terrible cannonade and 
musketry, as well as to the rifle shots, like a common 
soldier, and indeed so much so, that it is to be wondered 
at, that he came off without being killed or wounded. 
The avant-guard of the colunni of the right consisted 
of a troop of jagers and 100 men prima plana, commanded 
by Major von Dechow; the avant-guard of the column 
of the left consisted of 100 men, commanded b}^ Capt. 
Medern von Wutginau, in which were I and Lieut, 
von Lowenfeld. Both the Captain and the Lieutenant 
are dead; the former died the next day, but the latter 
remained on the field. I am still living, God be praised, 
and came off quite well, with the exception of a slight 
scratch in the face, made by a small branch shot off from 
a tree, though I led the front line of this avant-guard, 
consisting of 30 men and was consequently the foremost. 



AUTHORITIES 233 

I was here reminded of the old proverb, weeds never die. 
At 7 o'clock a violent cannonade was opened, to engage 
the attention of the enemy, so that they should not know 
where the real attack was to be made. If we had continued 
the attack already commenced at the time, there would 
not have been a third part of those lost, that were after- 
wards actually lost, for with my avant-guard I had 
already advanced quite high up the mountain, when Gen, 
von Knyphausen sent me orders to come back. In the 
mean time Gen. Howe had informed him, that all was 
not yet in readiness for the feigned attack, and conse- 
quently he would have to delay the real attack. At 7| 
o'clock the English General Lord Percy, with 2 English 
and a Hessian brigade, under Maj.-Gen. Stein, — namely the 
Hereditary Prince, Donop and Mirbach, attacked the 
lines lying between the fort and New York and carried 
them without great loss, having only 2 wounded and the 
rebels deserted their lines. At 11 o'clock the boats came 
down the Harlems Creek, with 2 brigades of English, 
to make a descent on the wood lying on our left, and to 
form a false attack. The real attack was now begun by 
us, and we found the flower of their troops and their 
riflemen all on a rock lying before us, almost inaccessible, 
surrounded by a morass and by three abatis one above 
another; notwithstanding which all the obstacles were 
cleared out of the way, the abatis broken into, the morass 
waded through, the rocks scaled, and the riflemen, who 
were seconded by a heavy fire of musketry from their 
intrenchments, driven off, and we reached this so fearful 
height and mountain, pursued the enemy retiring behind 
their lines and batteries, drove them out there also, took 
the batteries, one of which lay way up on the rock and fol- 
lowed the fugitive enemy as far as the real fort, where 



234 BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 

we took position at the side of the fort on the declivity of 
the mountain, in order to be secure from the fire of the 
fort. There were only ours and Rail's regiment. The 
fort was summoned, and in half an hour 2600 men 
marched out and laid down their arms at our feet and 
surrendered themselves to his Excellency Lieut.-Gen. von 
Knyphausen (who was present and signed the capitula- 
tion) as prisoners of war, and the whole fort was surren- 
dered with all the munition, provision &c. which was 
considerable. The grenadier battalion Kohler occupied 
the fort in the evening, and we returned to our camp, 
where the living again had cause to thank God for their 
preservation. The loss of the Hessians amounted to 
more than 300 men killed and wounded. Among the 
dead were the officers, Capt. Walther of Rail's regiment 
and Lieut, von Loewenfeld of the Wutgenau regiment ; 
of the deadly wounded were Capt. Barkhausen of the 
Knyphausen and Col. von Bork from the same regiment, 
Capt. Meden of the Wutgenau, Lieut. Briede of the 
Knyphausen, Lieut. Eude of the Wutgenau ; Col. von 
Bork and Lieut. Briede died the same day, and all the 
others on the second or third day. Maj. von Dechow of 
the Knyphausen and Lieut. Kiihn of the Rail were 
slightly wounded. 

[From Translation of the Original MSS. N. Y. Historical Society Papers.] 



3l^77-^ 



